This paper investigates the syntax of multiple wh’s in Korean, especially when such multiple wh’s are of reduplicative form. Particularly focusing on locality in deriving a pair-list interpretation in the construction at issue, we argue that the clause-boundedness restriction follows from quantifier raising (QR) and absorption that multiple wh’s undergo. At the same time, we examine how Dayal’s (1996) wh-triangle and Watanabe’s (1992) additional wh effects materialize in Korean multiple wh-constructions, providing a comparativesyntactic account for the issues at hand. Meantime, we also investigate the issue of how Pesetsky’s (1987) D-linking comes into play in the construction in question.

1. Issues
 2. Clause-Boundedness and Scrambling
 3. The Overt Structure C-Command Requirement
 4. Dayal’s (1996, 2007) Paradigm: Wh-Triangle
 5. The Parallelism between Multiple Wh’s and QPs
 6. D-Linked-hood, Multiple Wh’s, and Wh-Island
 7. Watanabe’s (1992) Additional Wh-Effects
 8. Dicourse Context and Pair-List Reading
 9. Conclusion
 References

• Myung-Kwan Park(Dongguk University) Corresponding author
• Austin Jaejun Kim(Dongguk University)