This paper attempts to deal with a contrast in sloppy reading found in some VP-ellipsis contexts from English. This reading is available if another VP-ellipsis applied in the preceding environment; it is unavailable if not. The purpose of this paper is to account for this contrast by exploring an alternative way to previous approaches such as the proform analysis by Schwarz(2000) and the LF structure analysis by Tomioka(2008). Despite some merits of these analyses, they are shown to have some difficulties in resolving the VP-ellipsis gaps. I then propose a new analysis in which some positive elements factored out of the two existing analyses are reshaped and incorporated more adequately in terms of focus feature percolation and inheritance.

This paper argues for an operation in Korean, called N'-Ellipsis, also known as NP-Ellipsis (henceforth, NPE) under the DP structure, found in possessive constructions. Since An (2012) argues for a different analysis, namely, a pro analysis, instead of the NPE analysis, this paper mostly takes a careful examination of his arguments and contends that the pro analysis is not viable in favor of the NPE analysis. I show that An's claim that the NPE construction is derived from the multiple Case-marking construction is in fact way too weak. I further argue that the contrasts arising from the construction in question are closely related to the possibility of possessor raising and thereby ill-formed cases of NPE can be attributed to the widely assumed convention that bar-level category is blind to syntactic operations.

In this paper, I will present an analysis of two controversial phenomena in Japanese as "concealed clefts." One is the sluicing phenomenon and the other is the short answers to Wh-questions . The analysis of the first as a "concealed cleft" is already proposed in a number of works . The purpose here is to make it more precise. I will argue that the argument ellipsis hypothesis of Kim 1999 and Oku 1998 solves some old problems in Japanese syntax. First, it solves the apparent paradox with the "sluicing phenomenon," which is that some examples are clearly concealed clefts and yet allow sloppy interpretation. Secondly, it enables us to sharpen Nishigauchi`s 1990 analysis of Wh-question/answer pairs, and pinpoint exactly where Subjacency effects are detected in short answers. If the arguments in this paper hold, they provide further support for the argument ellipsis hypothesis.

Soonhyuck Park. 2003. Coordination in Korean: sharing or ellipsis. Studies in Modern Grammar 32, 25-42. One of the issues of the coordinate construction is to determine the size of the conjunct. In this paper, I examine two approaches to the coordinate structure in Korean, focusing particularly on -ko coordination. By doing so, I will point out some problems of sharing analysis (VP) and ellipsis analysis (TP), and propose that the parallel reading of coordination can be obtained under the enlarged TP-level sharing analysis under a single MoodP, in which both conjuncts have the independent T and Neg. The extraction of the inflected verb out of the second conjunct triggers a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. I propose that this can be remedied by reconstruction at LF, assuming that the tense and negation are interpreted at their base position (Fox(2000), Lin(2002)). It is also shown that reconstruction can`t be implemented with respect to Neg when there is an overt tense morpheme in the first conjunct. This blocking effect is also found in Italian, where the negative quantifier is also proposed to be interpreted after reconstruction at LF, but the intervening TP functions as a barrier in reconstruction (Zanuttini (1997)). This is one of the consequences which can be obtained under the enlarged version of sharing analysis.