The construction of national common language is an important issue in that of modern nation. From ‘Guanhua’ in the late Qing dynasty to ‘Guoyu’ in the republic of China, and then to ‘Putonghua’ in the late Anti-Japanese War and after the founding of new China, these names not only have a close connection but also reflect the different functional differences. Now, the construction of national common language in ethnic areas and the unification of cross-strait languages have become new national strategies. Adopting again ‘Guoyu’ names and assigning new meanings from the perspective of national identity can help to strengthen national identity, promote national unity and cross-strait reunification, and regulate language use.

“If you‟re ever found yourself wondering what to do during an annoyingly long layover (hi, hello, all of us), „get Botox‟ will soon join your list of possibilities – at least if you‟re traveling in South Korea”(MacKenzie, 2017). Introduction Cosmetic surgery has become a new attraction for Chinese tourists to visit Korea. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare of Korea, 27,646 of 127,648 Chinese medical tourists who visited Korea in 2016 did so to obtain cosmetic surgery (Nam, 2017). This paper presents how external desire influenced the socio-historical development of the cosmetic surgery tourism in South Korea, focusing on Chinese crossborder consumption. In analyzing this relatively new phenomenon, we identified two intertwined desires. Specifically, while popularity of cosmetic surgery in South Korea is driven by the desire of individual Chinese consumers to obtain symbolic capital by achieving so-called K-beauty, this directly supports the collective desire of the Korean nation to construct a new Korean-ness. This trend has led to the promotion of Medical Korea, aiming to erase the former image of uncool industrial emerging country. In examining these complex practices, we employed the conception of “nation-ness” (Taylor, 1997) to elucidate the renewal of Korean national identity in the medical tourism industry and the global marketplace (Anderson, 1991; Appadurai, 1996; Lee, 2017). This paper commences with a brief outline of the socio-historical development of cosmetic surgery in Asian societies. We then discuss the connection of beauty and social capital among the Chinese consumer society and how Korean‟s cosmetic surgery industry has become the icon site for the achieving the ideal beauty. The paper closes with an illustration of the inter-relationship between the emerging consumer desire for beauty and the reconstruction of Korean-ness. Cosmetic surgery in contemporary asian consumer society Drawing on Giddens‟s (1991) notion of reflexivity, Belk (1988) and other consumer researchers have revealed that consumers consider their body as their possession and a reflection of their self. Consequently, some see it as a resource for constructing their desired identity through cosmetic surgeries (Askegaard, Gertsen, & Langer, 2002; Schouten, 1991; Thompson & Hirschman, 1995). While this phenomenon has mostly been examined in the context of contemporary Western consumer society, it is increasingly becoming more widespread. Such practices have resulted in human body no longer being viewed as a biological entity, but rather as “the finest consumption object” that can be further refined if needed (Baudrillard, 2005, p. 129). Altering one‟s body has traditionally been considered a taboo in many Asian cultures. In ancient Chinese society, there was a general perception that our bodies, down to a single hair and a flake of skin, are given to us by our parents. Therefore, any modification to the way our body looks and functions would be considered disrespectful to one‟s parents (Hua, 2013). However, in the world of cable TV and mass-circulation of Hollywood movies, in which social media has become an indispensable part of everyday life for most individuals, it is not surprising that Western beauty ideals have emerged as a dominant reference for the rest of the world. As the Westernized values and lifestyles become more easily accessible through media, they challenge these former social norms. Consequently, Asian women are increasingly seeking body modifications, such as plastic surgery, in an attempt to attain the elusive ideal beauty. In her research on body alternations, Orbach (2011) reported that 50 percent of teenage girls in South Korea planned to alter their faces or bodies through plastic surgery. According to the available evidence, in 2011, South Korea was rated first in the world in terms of the per capita ratio of aesthetic plastic surgeries (Shin, 2011). The success of South Korea‟s plastic surgery industry then made the country one of the best site for body alternations in the global beauty marketplace. Chinese desire for new face: beauty as capital Although it directly counters old Confucian doctrine of not tampering with one‟s body for filial piety, cosmetics surgery is very popular in China. In her book Buying Beauty, Hua (2013) noted that the increasingly brutal competition for jobs has prompted Chinese women to regard beauty as capital. It is thus not uncommon for Chinese parents to finance their daughters‟ cosmetic surgery, as they have come to perceive a pretty face as a worthwhile long-term investment, as it may increase the future career and/or marriage prospects of their daughters. For this reason, Chinese women are undergoing cosmetic surgery at a much younger age than do their Western counterparts. “Being good-looking is capital” has become the epitome of Chinese young girls. They consider attractive appearance that a cosmetic surgery may proffer as a form of capital, which they believe can give them a competitive advantage in the increasingly fierce job market (Hua, 2013). This attitude is prevalent among women, as gender and appearance discrimination is widespread in Chinese job market even in occupations where outward appearance usually has no relevance, such as civil service and government institutions (Hua, 2013). Owing to the increasingly widespread access to popular and social media and TV as a result of China reopening its doors, Chinese beauty standards have changed, whereby the perception of ideal image is heavily influenced by Western movies, pop culture, and the fashion and beauty industry (Hua, 2013). As Luo‟s (2012) research demonstrated, however, these newly adopted Western beauty ideals are coming into conflict with those that have traditionally been held by the Chinese. Yet, as Li et al. (2007) have shown, not all recent changes to the perceptions of and attitudes toward external appearance can be attributed to the Western influence. In their cross-cultural study on skin-whitening practices in four Asian markets, the authors reported that the desire for “white skin” in many Asian cultures (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Indian) has a long history. Saraswati (2010) concurred with this finding, stating that, in the non-Western context, the desire for “whiteness” cannot be equated to the desire for “Caucasian whiteness,” implying that the concept of whiteness may be context-dependent. This tension seems to be relieved by the adoption of Korean beauty ideal, which blends the Western and Korean physical traits and has resulted in Hallyu or the Korean Wave. Since the late 1990s, the term “Hallyu” has been used to describe the influx of South Korean popular culture in Asia. Korean TV dramas, movies, and popular music (K-pop) have in recent decades become staples in Asian markets formerly dominated by Japan and Hong Kong (Seabrook, 2012). Since the Korean Wave hit China, the visual appearance, fashion trends, hairstyle choices, and make-up styles of Korean stars have become highly popular. Consequently, many Chinese people regard Korea as the cosmetic surgery hub of Asia, as Korean beauty is admired by Chinese people who thus aspire to attain it by undergoing various surgical and non-surgical procedures. This growing trend was spurred by the success of the TV drama, Jewel in the Palace, which resulted in the popularity of the lead actress Lee Young Ae among Chinese women, who would ask plastic surgeons to make them look like her (Hua, 2013). The popularity of Korean pop culture and the widespread adoption of the Korean beauty ideals can be interpreted as counter-standard against the Western beauty. Yet, as Hua (2013) and others argue, the rise of Korean influence in the Asian markets can also be viewed as an indication of the submission to the Western beauty imperialism. This tension exists, as their Mongolian heredity with more prominent noses and lighter skins than other Asians gives Koreans certain “Western” features (Fairclough, 2005). The new face and desire for the new national identity Not long ago, Korea had the reputation as an emerging industrial nation that manufactures low-cost cars and appliances (Fairclough, 2005; Seabrook, 2012). South Korea has a long history and reputation as an industrial hub in East Asia. Some of the top global brands, such as Samsung, Hyundai, and LG, began as the key manufacturing partners of Western brands in the early and mid-twentieth century. Korea is also often associated with the Korean War, as described in US motion pictures, such as MASH (Preminger & Altman,1970). However, in the late 1990s, this image began to change with the increasing popularity of aforementioned Hallyu entertainment contents (Fairclough, 2005). In fact, the latest “Korean Wave” has ushered a brand-new transnational representation of Korea into the global marketplace. Following a highly successful cultural Hallyu, Korea has recently launched medical Hallyu, promoting cosmetic surgery (Eun, 2013). In the 2000s, Korean cosmetic surgery emerged as a successful byproduct of the Korean Wave. This growing trend has since become a source of great national pride in South Korea (Holliday, Bell, Cheung, Jones, & Probyn, 2015). While Korean entertainment products were generating enormous revenues, cosmetic surgery was recognized as a profitable addition to the already lucrative export industry, as foreign tourists were willing to travel to the country in order to undergo operations that would make them look like Korean Hallyu stars. In recognition of this change in attitudes towards physical appearance and beauty ideals, “Korean cosmetic surgery” (Hanshi zhengxing) and “Korean-style beauty” (Hanshi meirong) became key words in the cosmetic surgery advertisements in China (Davies & Han, 2011). Cosmetic surgery clinics in the trendiest Gangnam and Apgujeong districts of Seoul often provide medical tourism packages targeting foreign tourists coming from China and other Southeast Asian countries (Eun, 2013). As Hallyu boasts a creative integration of the Western and Korean elements in its entertainment contents (Shim, 2006), Korean cosmetic surgeons are attempting to achieve the same. According to a doctor that took part in Shim‟s (2009) study, Korean surgeons have the best skills to operate on Asian patients, as they have smaller physique and denser subcutaneous tissues compared to their Western counterparts. Although Korean surgeons used to travel to the U.S. to obtain training for the popular procedures, such as eyelid surgery, they subsequently modified the American techniques, realizing that they were inappropriate for the “Korean Body.” For instance, removing too much fat from the eyelids created an unnatural Western eyes that were not suitable for Korean facial structure. Such specialism, which is now internationally recognized, makes aspirant youths from neighboring China and Korean diaspora more than willing to travel to Korea to undergo elective cosmetic procedures that would improve their visual appearance (Holliday, Bell, Cheung, Jones, & Probyn, 2015). The Korean government‟s active support for the export of cultural products has also helped the proliferation of cosmetic surgery tourism. In 2009, the Korean National Assembly passed an amendment to the medical law, enabling hospitals to advertise their services and promote medical tourism (Eun, 2013). Korea Tourism Organization (KTO), a subsidiary organization of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, runs an online medical tourism platform website, visitmedicalkorea.com, to provide foreign tourists with information about Korean medical tourism. It also supports the overseas marketing of companies and hospitals as a means of attracting more tourists to the country (Korea Tourism Organization, n.d.). While the KTO website is not solely dedicated to cosmetic surgery tourism, Visit Medical Korea‟s website boasts the massive number of cosmetic surgery operations performed every year in Korea. The country is now the third largest cosmetic surgery market after the U.S. and Brazil, as the recognition of the high skill level of Korean surgeons and their use of modern technology motivates many individuals to visit Korea for their beauty enhancement (Korea Tourism Organization and Korea Health Industry Development Institute, n.d.). The fact that Korea has achieved economic progress through rapid modernization but did not give up many of its traditions is another allure to many Asian tourists (Fairclough, 2005). This is emphasized in the promotional video published by KTO through the juxtaposition of the beauty of traditional porcelain making inherited from Joseon dynasty with cutting edge medical technology and skills of Korean medical industry (Korea Tourism Organization, 2016). Conclusion: renewing “Korean-ness” in the global marketplace Desire to be beautiful and prolong one‟s youth is not unique to modern times. Yet, medical advances now make even extending one‟s height by breaking and separating the thigh bone to prompt growth possible. While this sounds scary and can be highly dangerous, it is a very popular operation in Shanghai. Cosmetic surgery is no doubt a popular service high on many Chinese consumers‟ list. Although it may be cynical to say that our desire for beautiful body is perpetuated and exploited by the style industries, it is true that the beauty, cosmetic, fashion, media, and celebrity industries are playing an important role in shaping our beauty standards and promoting the ideal body size/shape in the contemporary marketplace (Orbach, 2011). In this study, we connected Chinese consumers‟ desire for new facial features with the emerging plastic surgery tourism in South Korea as an exemplar of the reconstruction of national identity. The term “nation-ness” is comprehensive and links disparate phenomena, such as nation, nationalism, and nationality by including “everything from the bureaucratic fact of citizenship to the nationalist‟s mythical construction of nation as an eternal entity” (Taylor, 1997, p. 277). In this study, we argued that cosmetic surgery has become a new Korean national identity, which is not solely reflected in the rise of Korean beauty and style in the Pan-Asian (Cayla & Eckhardt, 2008) or even global marketplace. The new identity has also inherited the techno-industrial past, as the preciseness and high quality of Korean “industry” are valuable traits to transfer to this new medical field. In this paper, we demonstrated that the creation and promotion of ideal beauty and body is part of a broader political strategy, in which governments, corporations, and key cultural stakeholders are actively, and sometimes collectively, shaping and monitoring individuals‟ bodily practices.

Through this study the influencing factors for the development of a national dress for Tanzanian people was explored. The need and desire for this development received support from several groups including the Tanzanian Government, local tailors, NGO’s (Non-Government Organisations) and Tanzanian societies. This stage of the study focused on the effectiveness of traditional Tanzanian textiles’ motifs and natural symbols in the design process employing imported recycled second-hand clothes (mitumba). Qualitative data was obtained through interviews and focus group discussions. The study explored what Tanzanians need to strengthen their national identity and the use of recycled mitumba within a national dress. The study used a co-design style workshop for the development of the national dress as a different approach to addressing the issues identified in Tanzania regarding National dress. The participants added valuable contributions providing ideas for cultural conservation through building a national identity, ideas for strengthening the concept of recycling mitumba and suggestions for the incorporation of kanga and kitenge as inspirations for the design of a national dress in order to promote national identity. The study examined the presence of mitumba from abroad, several styles of indigenous traditional dress worn by different ethnic groups in Tanzania and reasons for strengthening Tanzania’s national identity. This paper reports on the main primary research activities and finding used for the experimental textile and dress designs, and includes the plan for the next stage of the project.

Fashion has become a major thing worldwide. In Indonesia, especially in big cities like Jakarta, Bandung and Surabaya, fashion is quite evolving. Jakarta is a bustling modern city with international interaction and professional working environment. This atmosphere influences the inhabitants to dress in modern, professional look; as fashion may be seen as visible identity for a person. As a country with more than 300 tribes, Indonesia is also very rich in culture (Tamindael, 2011). Each area has its own traditional clothes, house, food, custom, art, and language. In big cities, those cultural differences have somewhat blend together or rather invisible in the capital city of Jakarta. Despite the modern environment, traditional clothing and religious clothing tried to get substantial segment as well. However, cultural or traditional costume seem to face the adversity to stand out. Traditional costume can be seen as an identity for a country or specific culture. Like Kimono in Japan or Sari in India, Indonesia actually has kebaya as national costume for women. Kebaya is actually a tight fitting blouse known as originated from Java. Nowadays, with the many modern women seems to wear kebaya only for special occasion, such as wedding reception, national day, or official ceremony. As it was meant for special moment, the kebaya these days are more elaborated, mostly adorned with embroidery and glittery embellishment. Still, whether modest or modern, kebaya is perceived as complicated, out-of-date, and inflexible. This national costume might face the threat of extinction, although the rise of patrimonial awareness made kebaya get more attention these days. Despite kebaya has been appointed as national costume for Indonesian women, many of them, especially youngsters, seem reluctant to wear it in many occasion. This phenomenon evokes the need for research, how Indonesian youngsters perceived the kebaya as national identity? This research will relate the brand identity with kebaya. Kebaya itself may be considered as a brand, attached to Indonesia as a country. Within the brand identity framework, kebaya would be seen as a brand. However, a brand should be known among its target and how the people or target consumers perceive it. As an initial research, this paper aimed to explore how youngsters in Indonesia perceived kebaya as national outfit. This research will rely on theories about branding. Kebaya is actually a product. However, the term of kebaya can be considered as a brand in the context of Indonesian national costume. This research measures the brand identity and brand imagery within the theory of brand identity from from Aaker (1996) and Keller (2013). The brand identity will be measured using the indicators of brand awareness, and the brand meaning will be measured using the brand associations. The survey has been conducted to 30 youngsters, from 17 to 25 years old. Whereas two interviews have also been conducted to a founder of Perempuan Berkebaya (Women in kebaya) community and a bussinesswoman who start to wear kebaya everyday. To raise the awareness of kebaya, this community has made some efforts. There was some news coverage on the national medias and outdoor events to show that kebaya is suitable for any occassion. As this research will explore how these young ladies perceived the kebaya, most of them can be assumed to be aware of kebaya. However, they might have different perception and comprehension about it. All of the respondents from the survey claimed they the national costume of Indonesia. However, the answer were varies when they recall the object. Batik is also mentioned alongside with kebaya. Many people are more accustomed to wear batik clothes, as it can be transformed into different kinds of outfit, such as shirt or dress. Athough all respondents agree for kebaya to be one of national identity, most of them claimed kebaya is not suitable for everyday wear. They argued that kebaya is impractical, and not convenient for day-to-day activities. Some of them believed kebaya is only for wedding or other special occasions, thus will lessen their exclusivity or prestige if they wear it everyday. The second part of the questionnaire is about the association; how kebaya as a brand would match or associate to certain group of user, usage situation, experience, and values. Many people seen women wearing kebaya in rural areas, worn by grandmothers and door-to-door jamu (herbal drink) sellers, thus have an ancient or traditional look. This is in line with result from the survey. This kind of association is actually in contrast to the image of kebaya for special occasion. Thus, to outsmart the out-of-date association, many modern women avoid humble kebaya to wear in many occasions; they rather opt for more expensive kebaya to wear at special events. How the youngsters perceive may be arguable. They see kebaya as something unique which they don’t see, let alone wear it, every day. This explain how they value kebaya as an exclusive outfit that may elevate the look of the wearer. The excuses whether to wear or not-to-wear kebaya as daily outfit seems endless. There may be a slight hesitation toward the kebaya which associated to old fashion or outdated, but some would opt for modern cut of kebaya. In the end, kebaya should build strong image as national identity; where every Indonesian women, no matter their age nor social class, will be proud to wear it.

Architectural embodiment of a national identity has long been a significant topic in Korean architectural circles. For this reason, it must be helpful to examine the so-called, 'National Romanticism' of Finnish architecture around 1900 in that Finnish architects of the time struggled to embody their national identity through their projects. Considering the historical and linguistic affinities between Finland and Korea, the Finnish architectural situation draws . our additional attention. This paper aims at showing its historical background, the meaning of each type of buildings in the stream, and limitations it implies. The atmosphere of Finnish nationalist movement, which was provoked by [Kalevala] publications (1835; 1845) and shown in Karelianism, was heightened by Tsarist Empire's Russification programme of Finland in the late 19th century Architecture was one of the most important genres expressing her national identity. Finnish national romantic architecture could be divided into three. The first is a log house style for artists' studio house, motivated by the Finnish vernacular farmstead - especially by Karelian farmhouse. This type of building signifies the Finns' will to return to their motherly soil. The second is a stone architecture style for public buildings, inspired by Finnish church or castle of an early medieval time. By using roughly-cut granite as the main exterior material, buildings of this type symbolise the toughness of legendary heroes and Finns' desire for national Independence. The third type of building was based on both of the former or more dependent on architects' Imagination and creativity. However, Finnish national romantic architecture has been criticised by some critics owing to its decorative, eclectic and self-indulgent characteristics. Probably, it was not really national but rather inter-national because of the Influences of English Arts and Crafts Movement, the American Richardsonian architecture and the continental Art Nouveau. And the negative images of 'national' and 'romantic' made some historians coin other terms like 'national realism' or 'material realism'. As another limitation, one raises the low degree of its contribution to the entire architectural history. Despite these criticisms, however, this paper argues that Finnish national romantic architecture is meaningful in itself, particularly because it illustrates vividly Finns' struggle to search for their national identity and, after all, their craving for national independence.

본 연구는 민족정체성, 민주시민자질, 다문화신념을 유아교사의 통일교육역량에 영향을 주는 요인으로 설정하고, 유아교사의 민족정체성을 독립변수로, 유아교사의 통일교육역량을 종속변수로 하여 민주시민자질과 다문화신념의 매개효과를 검증하였다. 연구 결과, 첫째, 유아교사의 민족정체성, 민주시민자질, 다문화신념은 통일교육역량과 정적 상관을 갖는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 단계적 회귀분석을 통해 통일교육역량에 가장 많은 영향을 미치는 요인을 순서대로 살펴본 결과, 민족 정체성의 ‘객관적 특성’, 민주시민자질의 ‘참여와 책임의식’, 다문화신념의 ‘다문화 연계의식’으로 나타났다. 셋째, 유아교사의 민족정체성이 통일교육역량에 미치는 영향에서 민주시민자질과 다문화신념이 부분적으로 매개 역할을 하는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 유아교사의 통일교육역량에 영향을 미치는 요인들 간의 상호 연관성을 밝힘으로써 유아통일교육을 위한 교사교육의 목적성과 방향성을 제시하고, 더불어 유아교사들의 통일교육역량을 높이기 위한 교사교육의 기초자료를 마 련하였다는 점에 의의가 있다.

This study examines the historical trajectory of and the impetus for the selection of bulgogi by the Koreans residing in Japan, contextualized in Japanese history as well as vis-à-vis theories of cultural anthropology and the practice thereof. Moreover, it focuses on the cultural-economic and diachronic processes of bulgogi’s development into a veritable ethno-national food industry amidst the influence of Japanese society upon Korean-Japanese dietary habits. Finally, the study addresses the place of Korean culinary traditions, including bulgogi, in education that may impart a sense of Korean ethno-nationalist consciousness in the third-, fourth-, and fifth-generation Korean- Japanese in various social spaces within Japanese society. This is so done in face of lived experiences in the attempts to solve the problem of heritance of ethno-nationalist consciousness for the Korean-Japanese people. In sum, three suggestions are forwarded: 1) In the future, it will be necessary to produce talented individuals who can cultivate ethno-nationalism through a systematic study of the culinary traditions of Korea. In addition, possibilities for extending to other grade levels the courses that are currently executed at the middle-school first-grade level must be explored; 2) Through regularly held re-education that includes research and seminars by and for the Korean-Japanese people in the food industry in not only Japan, but also in South Korea, possibilities toward a more creative, progressive culinary culture for Korean food, including bulgogi made of wagyu, Korean beef, as well as other types of beef, should be sought from the persepective of nutrional science and management systems; and 3) In sharing common goals of the disparate groups in the Korean diaspora, including the Korean-Chinese people in Yanbian, possibilities for collaborative research should be explored, and the problem of cultivating ethno-nationalist consciousness on foreign soil must be discussed.