본 연구는 FTA 무역협정과 관련하여 기존 연구들이 수행했던 직접운 송원칙에 대한 분석을 넘어서 APTA 직접운송원칙의 운영상 제기된 여 러 문제를 파악하고자 관세청 판례사례를 바탕으로 분석해보고자 하였 다. 연구를 위해 관세청 관세평가 판례 사건번호-조심-2017-30의 심판 청구사건(제목: “APTA 직접운송원칙 위반 여부”)을 연구에 활용하였다. 최근 협정관세율 적용이 배제되어 관세를 부과 당하는 처분 사례가 증가 하고, 심사청구, 적부심사 사건 분쟁이 꾸준하게 늘고 있는 상황에서 이 번 연구 주제에 대한 논의가 APTA를 적용받고자 하는 무역 기업에 유 용한 자료를 제공하고 있다는 점에서 연구의 의의가 있다.

As the Biden administration succeeded President Trump’s chaotic and undisciplined trade and investment policies toward China, the last six months of 2022 have seen significant developments in the US trade law and economic policy toward China. These legislative and regulatory developments bring into sharper focus a broader and more aggressive US legal and regulatory structure fostering industrial policy and confronting China. The recent midterm elections in the US and meeting in Bali between Xi and Biden only seem to maintain the current unsettling state of affairs. The subsequent WTO panel decision against the United States concerning its Section 232 national security tariffs and its rejection of national security defense only further complicates the US-China trade relations. The legislative and regulatory measures emanating from the US in the last half of 2022 are not helpful and represent a worrisome development. These measures are by far more aggressive, with significant domestic and global implications. They portend a new emerging post-WTO order.

India’s recalibrated strategy toward free trade agreements (FTAs) has received considerable traction in the international trade policy space. Moreover, this has reignited the debate that India needs to reconsider its decision of not joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). A variety of factors such as domestic political economy, legal provisions of the RCEP agreement remained a matter of India’s concerns and shaping decision not to join the RCEP. The study explores scholarly literature and analyzes key imperatives such as integration in global value chains, consolidation of existing trade agreements and shaping global rulemaking for India to reconsider joining the RCEP agreement in the context of India’s new FTA strategy. The study findings demonstrate that India’s recalibrated strategy toward FTAs has significantly changed in terms of its geographical orientation, shift to bilateral trade deals, and geopolitical orientation. However, India is unlikely to consider joining the RCEP even under its new FTA strategy.

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP) is the world's largest free trade agreement. The RCEP has significant implications for China’s agricultural trade especially in the ASEAN region which is China’s top export market, the second-biggest source of imports for Chinese agricultural products, and largest trading partner in the agricultural sector. To boost trade development, this paper presents a detailed SWOT analysis of China’s agricultural trade with the ASEAN using the RCEP as the research background. Through the RCEP, China’s agricultural products are expected to achieve not only growth in trade scale and trade facilitation, but also stronger economic ties in East Asia. However, the RECP also poses new challenges to China’s agricultural trade structure, core competitiveness, and quality and safety system. Therefore, China should reinforce its brand building, optimize its trade layout, deepen its agricultural transformation, and improve its cooperation to better enjoy the trade dividends brought by RCEP.

본 연구는 소재·부품·장비의 한·중 산업간 무역구조 및 무역 경쟁력의 변화를 분 석하기 위하여 수행되었다. 먼저 수출입 추세를 보았을 때 소재·부품·장비의 대중국 무역은 지난 10여 년간 지속적으로 무역수지 흑자를 달성하고 있지만 흑자 규모는 지속적으로 하락하는 추세에 있는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 GL 지수를 보았을 때 산 업 내 무역의 수준이 지속적으로 증가하고 동종 산업 간의 경쟁 또한 치열해지고 있 는 것으로 파악되었다. 10년간 전체 소재·부품·장비 산업의 TSI 지수는 양(+)으로 나 타나 우리나라 산업의 경쟁력이 우세한 것으로 나타났지만 TSI 지수가 지속적으로 줄어들어 산업의 경쟁력이 점차 감소하고 있는 것으로 파악되었다. 중국의 급격한 성장에 대응하기 위해서는 우리 제품의 자급률 향상 및 경쟁력 강화 등을 위한 노력 을 지속적으로 기울여야 할 것으로 판단이 된다.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors affecting the import and export of agricultural products between Korea and ASEAN, and to derive cooperation plans in the agricultural sector. With the introduction of the Korea-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 2007, economic cooperation has been expanded. From 2007 to 2021, Korea's foreign direct investment (FDI) to ASEAN countries increased by about 7.55% annually. As ASEAN has emerged as an important economic partner, cooperation in Official Development Assistance (ODA) has also strengthened. Between 2007 and 2020, the size of Korea's ODA to ASEAN countries also increased by about 11.63% annually. To prove the relationship between trade values in the agriculture sector, FDI and ODA, the gravitational model was used. As a result of the analysis, it was found that FDI and ODA affected agricultural trade. The results imply that cooperation in the agricultural sector between Korea and ASEAN should be made through the establishment of “trade (agricultural product trade)-cooperation (ODA)-investment (FDI) Nexus.”

One of the overwhelming issues in the global economy has been China-US trade war. The edited book by Rahul Nath comprises of chapters on different dimensions of the trade war. AS the crisis emerged between two economic powers of East (China) and West (US), it had substantial consequences on South Asian economies. The chapters identify key challenges as the outcome of China-US trade war. While building on the consequences of the conflict, the book traces on the impact on trade barriers, both tariff barriers and non-tariff barriers. The empirical evidences examined identify the spill over effects on the South Asian economy. Amid China-US trade war, the litmus test has been for the WTO as there has been rise in preferential trade agreements. The authors have examined these issues in detail.

The United States’ Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) introduces new eligibility requirements for existing USD 7,500 tax-credit provided to electric vehicles. The new requirements condition the credit upon North American final assembly and North American-sourced materials and components. As tensions flare between the US and China, these new local content requirements reflect the US’s effort to establish a supply chain for electric vehicles that circumvents China. The blow, however, is felt elsewhere, namely by South Korean auto makers whose electric vehicle models are no longer eligible for the significant tax-credit necessary to compete in the American market. As South Korea considers submitting a complaint to relevant international bodies, this paper dissects the IRA’s relevant provisions and analyzes the applicability of international trade law rules of the WTO and the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement to the new local content requirements of the IRA.

Trades are classified as a direct trade, in which an exporter and an importer directly conclude a contract to execute a transaction, and an indirect trade, in which a transaction is conducted through a third party. A license issued by NSSC is required for the indirect trade of Trigger List Items although the items do not cross the Korea’s borders. This study would summarize characteristics for each type of the indirect trade, and suggest things considered from the perspective of regulations. Sensitive items such as weapons of mass destruction could be illegally transferred through black trade, and the role of brokers is important. Therefore, Korea controls indirect trade of Trigger List Items in a more conservative approach, although NSG guidelines does not include it as a control scope. Advanced countries in export control field such as the US, UK, and Canada also controls on indirect trade. One of the indirect trade types is an intermediate trade in which the goods are imported from a foreign country and exported to another foreign country without being brought into the trader’s country. Another type is a merchandising trade which is a form of brokerage between exporter from a foreign country and importer from another foreign country. Both types have one thing in common that the goods are not crossed the trader’s country. The difference is that an intermediate trader directly participates in the contract and earn a difference between import and export amount, whereas a merchandising trader just arranges the transaction and earns a brokerage fee. The profits from the intermediate trade are considered as export records, while merchandising trade profits are not considered export records. In other words, only the intermediary trade is considered as an export. Also, the license types are different for each of them. An export license should be issued for the intermediate trade of Trigger List Items, whereas a brokerage license should be issued for the merchandising trade of Trigger List Items. The definition of export in the Foreign Trade Act includes intermediate trade for only goods, but technology is missing, although the sub-regulation specifies the intermediate trade including both. The technology need to be added as it can be the subject of intermediate trade in spite of intangible characteristics. Also, outreach activities are more needed as nuclear industry awareness on export control for both trades is low.

From 1970 to 1990, North Korea’s trade mainly carried out maritime trade through ports for countries around the world. This trend is due to UN sanctions against North Korea, and after the third nuclear test in 2016, North Korea gradually became isolated from the outside world as it expanded to include maritime sanctions in the form of comprehensive sanctions targeting an unspecified majority of North Korea. The logistics structure of North Korea is due to the logistics infrastructure left during the Japanese colonial period in the 1950s and the political structure of the country, with railroads being the main source of logistics and passenger transportation, and roads being secondary. North Korea faced rapid deterioration and lack of facilities after 1990 due to the lack of investment in facilities and improvement of the operating system despite the advanced logistics infrastructure and operating system compared to the South. In particular, the power shortage in North Korea hindered the operation of the railroad and accelerated the aging of the railroad facilities, which has continued to this day. In the 2010s, 96% of cargo transportation in North Korea’s logistics infrastructure depended on railroads and roads, and ports that were developed until the 1980s have deteriorated with little investment since the economic crisis of the 1990s. Although some ports have been developed since 2010, North Korea’s east and west coasts are separated and there is no function of shipping to connect ports, so it did not have a significant impact on enhancing the nation’s port capacity. As North Korea’s trade dependence on China has increased, North Korea has largely relied on land transport, except for some cargoes that are advantageous for marine transport, such as coal. This structure again leads to a decrease in investment in ports, and the current vicious cycle of causing problems with North Korean port facilities is repeated. In this study, North Korea’s land and marine trade logistics system such as railway, road, and shipping and the trend of foreign trade due to sanctions against North Korea were analyzed. Through this analysis, it is planned to be used as a basis for developing the routes and scenarios through which major nuclear items can be transferred in the event of denuclearization of North Korea in the future.

불공정무역조사법 제4조 제1항 각 호에서는 우리나라 무역위원회의 조 사 대상이 되는 불공정무역행위 유형에 대하여 규정하고 있으며, 이 중 제1호에서 지식재산권 침해 물품 등의 국내 수입, 수출 행위 등을 규정하 고 있다. 불공정무역조사법상 지식재산권 침해 행위에는 특허권, 실용신안 권, 디자인권, 상표권, 저작권, 저작인접권, 출판권, 데이터베이스 제작자 의 권리 및 반도체집적회로의 배치설계권이나 지리적 표시 및 지리적 표 시권 또는 영업비밀 침해까지 포함되나, 부정경쟁방지법상의 부정경쟁행 위는 규정하고 있지 않다. 불공정무역조사법상의 조사와는 별도로 부정경쟁방지법에서는 부정경쟁 행위 조사제도를 운영하고 있는데, 이를 무역위의 불공정무역행위 조사제 도와 비교해 보고, 불공정무역조사법상 조사대상이 되는 지식재산권 침해 범위에 부정경쟁행위의 추가여부의 타당성, 적절성을 검토해 볼 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 먼저 불공정무역조사법과 부정경쟁방지법 상의 조사제도를 비교분석하고, 각 제도의 운영 실태 및 현황을 조사하여 분석하였다. 다음으로 해외 주요국에서 불공정무역행위 조사제도의 현황 및 관련 법규를 조사하여, 해외에서 불공정무역 조사대상에 부정경쟁행위 를 포함하고 있는 사례를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 불공정무역조사법상 지 식재산권 침해 범위에 부경법상 부정경쟁행위의 추가여부의 타당성을 법 리적으로 검토하고, 관련 고려사항을 제시하였다.

The global cod market is supposed to have weak structure with a high dependence on the supply of Russia, the United States, Norway, and China. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the cod supply chain for the worse. Fish processing facilities in China stopped their operation, and cod demand declined due to shrinking consumption in Europe. The position of South Korea as an intermediary trade country between Russia and China strengthened due to the U.S.-China trade war and the Atlantic cod decrease in 2019. However, this global cod supply chain collapse has caused South Korea to export accumulated cod to Indonesia and Vietnam at a bargain price, showing that South Korea was unable to cope with this supply chain crisis. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate changes in the global cod supply chain and their impacts on the intermediary trade of South Korea caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to provide implications by analyzing advanced cases in Denmark. As the cod supply chain crisis countermeasures, this study suggests that South Korea develop high value-added marine products, gain competitive advantages by solidifying the value chains of related countries, and activate export by discovering alternative markets in terms of the supply chain of the cod industry.

본 연구는 글로벌 수산업의 무역기술장벽 관련 규제가 민감해짐에 따라 각국의 무역기술장벽 통보문이 지역에 따라 어떠한 특성을 보이는지 알아보고자 한다. 연구자료는 국가기술표준원의 해외기술규제정보시스템을 이용하 였으며 우리나라 수산업 무역에 영향을 미치는 총 201건의 통보문 텍스트 자료를 추출하였다. 지역은 아프리카, 아시아, 유럽, 북미, 중남미로 구분하여 단어 빈도 분석과 언어네트워크 분석 중 하나인 엔그램 분석을 적용하였 다. 그 결과, 공통으로 추출된 단어는 수산물의 생산과 제품화를 비롯하여 표준, 기술규정 준수를 포함하였다. 반 면 지역별로는 아프리카와 아시아, 중남미 등 개발도상국은 추가 인증 획득, 필요 서류의 증가 등 형식적 규제와 연결성을 보였으며 유럽과 북미 등 선진국은 환경보호와 위생, 소비자 보호 등 실질적 규제와 관련한 연결성이 네트워크로 나타났다. 이에 우리나라 수산업계 기업은 해외진출에 있어 형식적 규제와 실질적 규제를 동시에 대 응해야 하는 위치에 있으며 수산물 생산 현지국에 우리나라의 수산업 관련 표준과 검사 절차 등 기술지원을 통해 무역기술장벽 관련 규제를 회피할 수 있는 방안이 마련되어야 한다.

Since its accession with WTO, China has claimed that free trade agreement makes international trade liberal by reducing trade barriers, establishing a pleasant exchange and flow of goods and services, promoting economic corporation, and enhancing economic growth. As the free trade agreement is inefficacious in gaining mass global consensus, China’s constructive approach towards free trade has induced many debates. By discussing Marxist perspective on free trade, this study begins with analyzing the theoretical source of Marx’s ideas on free trade and aims to apprehend China’s approach towards free trade. The author uses descriptive and critical analysis to understand China’s approach towards free trade based on Marx’s early writings. Further to analyzes the economic and legal aspects of China’s free trade agreement, empirical analysis is used. The paper argues that free trade agreement is a progressive plan and neutral economic policy which can bring economic prosperity in any economy as it holds the potential to be the leading economic concept by offering win-win opportunities to both the Contracting parties.

최근 EU는 무역협상에서 신통상이슈 및 비무역의제(NTA)를 통한 규범 확산을 주도해 왔다. 무역협상에서 선진국이 관세 등 무역 이외의 이슈인 NTA를 포함시키는 일은 오랜 기간 논란의 대상이었다. 이는 무역과 직접 적으로 연관이 없는 사회규범과 법·제도가 무역협상에 영향을 미치는 것이 타당한 가에 관한 논쟁이다. 이를테면 협상대상국의 노동법, 환경규제, 외 국인직접투자에 대한 규칙, 국영기업 운영 현황이나 중소기업에 대한 지원 등 다양한 영역에 대한 비무역 이슈들이 무역협상 라운드에 포함되어 왔 다. 본 논문은 무역협상에서의 신통상이슈 및 NTA 확산을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 구체적으로, 필자는 EU가 추진해 온 NTA 확산 현황을 조 사하고, 규범 영역에서 NTA가 어떻게 이슈 범위를 확장하고 있는가를 분 석하였다. 그 동안 EU는 NTA를 역내 시장을 보호하고, 다양한 이해관계 를 조정하는 도구로 활용하였다. 연구자는 삼차원게임이론에 관한 신진연 구에서도 NTA확산이 EU의 통상협상 전략이자 방향성임을 확인할 수 있 었다. 개발도상국들의 반대에도 불구하고 NTA가 무역협상에서 빠질 수 없는 요소로 등장하였다면, NTA의 확산 과정과 정당화하는 규범 형성 (norm creation)을 분석하는 것은 매우 중요한 과제이다.

본 연구는 호주-중국 무역분쟁을 국제정치의 상호역학관계 관점에서 분 석하였다. 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 시스템사고 이론에 기반하여 인과지 도분석을 실시하였다. 연구를 통해 얻어진 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 경제 적 영역에서 시작된 무역분쟁은 다양한 영역으로 확산되면서 복잡한 국제 정치시스템으로 진화하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 다양한 변수들이 작동하 는 국제관계 현실에서 절대적 가치만을 선호하는 중국의 보호된 가치(중화 사상, 하나의 중국, 중국식 인권주의)는 정책결과의 확증편향을 유발하면서 국제관계에서 다양한 변수들의 동태적 변화를 인식하지 못하게 하는 원인 으로 작용하는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한국과 호주는 중국과의 외교관계에 서 상당히 유사한 조건을 가지고 있다는 점에서 호주-중국의 무역분쟁에서 호주가 사용한 전략은 한국의 정책결정에 교훈을 주고 있다는 점을 발견할 수 있었다.

본 논문은 반도체, 디스플레이, 디지털 가전 및 휴대폰 등을 포괄하는 중국 전자산 업을 대상으로 OECD TiVA 데이터베이스를 활용하여 2000년~2018년까지의 중국 수 출을 부가가치 기준으로 분해하여 분석하였다. 분석 결과 중국 전자산업은 총 수출 액과 부가가치 수출액 모두 세계 1위로, 2018년 기준 중국 총수출의 약 30%를 차지 하고 있었다. 국내부가가치(DVA) 측면에서 중국은 해외 부품 조달을 통해 조립․가 공한 후 수출하는 비교적 저부가가치 활동을 담당하는 중간단계에 머무르고 있는 것 이 아니라 자국 부품 조달 및 국내 생산 비중을 높여 부가가치를 높인 것으로 분석 되었다. 주요국(한국, 대만, 미국, 일본)과의 비교에서 중국 전자산업의 국내부가가치 비중은 미국, 일본 다음으로 높은 비중을 차지하고 있었고 부가가치 기준 현시비교 우위지수(VRCA)도 높은 수준으로 상승하고 있었다.

After President Biden’s first year in office, one big question is whether the Biden trade policy differs from the Trump chaos. My answer is no. I consider Biden’s trade policy to be Trump without the tweets. They both relied on unilateral measures and broadened protectionist ones. In fact, Biden not only relies upon Trump’s actions but also has expanded them. Trade policies have not changed much between Presidents Trump and Biden. In fact, Biden, relying upon Trump’s actions, has kept them in place. There has been a slight change in tune: a little more reconciliation with Europe and the OECD. However, it is extremely difficult to identify any significant difference concerning China, Russia, and Iran. Has Trump’s America First policy morphed into Biden’s America First or worker-centric trade policy? It looks that way. Let’s look at what Trump did, what Biden has done so far, and the challenges ahead.

Renewable energy is frequently seen as one of the world’s most promising industries, as it promises a sustainable future in the surge of climate change. Nevertheless, several trade disputes emerge as nations implement policies to boost the domestic green energy industry, putting current trade laws to the test and leaving the detrimental effects on the development of renewable energy technologies. As a result, trade tensions have risen, particularly in bilateral relations between the United States and China. It is impossible to deny that current trade disputes over renewable energy products have practical consequences for governments, institutions, and enterprises. Rising trade protectionism in the energy industry may endanger the fulfillment of specific sustainable development targets. Keeping that in mind, this study aims to examine the recent trade disputes over China’s renewable energy products at the multilateral forum of the WTO, while analyzing protectionism in the context of international trade and practices.

지방관리 무역항은 비교적 중소형 무역항으로 지방도시의 경제력 강화 및 지역 산업 부가가치 제고를 위해 활발한 운영이 필요 하다. 또한, 선박대형화가 이루어지고 있는 국제적 흐름에서 지방관리 무역항의 효율성 증대를 위해 항만기본계획상 기존 선석규모 대비 대형선박의 접안이 필요하며, 부두 및 선박의 안전성 확보를 위해 대형선박 접안시 계류시설 확충 및 안전운용기준 마련이 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 지방관리 무역항 중 옥계항을 선정하여, 현행 2만 DWT급 부두에 5만 DWT급 선박이 계류시 시나리오에 따른 계류안전성 평 가를 수행하였다. 평가 결과, 대상 부두에 100톤급 계선주를 신설하였을 경우, 긴급이안기준은 기존 파주기 3.2초에서 풍속 27노트, 파주기 5.0초에서 풍속 22노트의 계류 한계 조건이 파주기 3.2초에서 풍속 41노트, 파주기 5.0초에서 풍속 36노트로 약 50 % 정도 증가하는 것으로 분석되었다. 본 연구 결과는 지방관리 무역항에 기존 선석규모 대비 대형선박 접안시 부두 계류시설의 안전성 강화와 안전운용기준 설정 을 위한 기초 자료로 활용될 수 있다.