There has been a tectonic shift in the trade relationship between the United States (US) and China. This can be seen in the passage of new US legislation, recent US trade restrictions on exports and investment transactions with China, and worsening US relations with the World Trade Organization (WTO), particularly with its dispute resolution system. The Trump administration initiated a haphazard tariff and trade war with China, reversing decades of US trade policy pursuant to its long-standing stances of supporting free trade. To the dismay of many in the trade community within the US and globally, the trade actions by President Trump have been significantly extended and broadened by the Biden administration in its first two years, despite the expectation that it would reverse many of Trump’s policies. In this article, I present seven observations concerning President Trump’s and President Biden’s trade policies.

Political conflicts and trade tensions affect entrepreneurial activities. This paper qualitatively evaluates the success factors of a B2B company’s marketing management strategies within the context of trade policy changes. Results indicate that a strong brand, personal ties to customers, retailers and competitors, and international manufacturing sites reduce the risk. Companies not only face the challenge of disruptive innovation caused by global digitalization activities. In addition, disruptions in the macro-environment are actually increasing. One example that impedes the growth of industrial activities is the current, still escalating, US-China trade war. Unusual forms of marketing coalitions and networks in trans-organizational systems are considered key constellations to ensure future company success (Achrol, 1991). What are the success factors for a B2B company’s marketing management strategies within the context of disruptive economic market and industry conditions, e.g., international trade policy changes?

India’s recalibrated strategy toward free trade agreements (FTAs) has received considerable traction in the international trade policy space. Moreover, this has reignited the debate that India needs to reconsider its decision of not joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). A variety of factors such as domestic political economy, legal provisions of the RCEP agreement remained a matter of India’s concerns and shaping decision not to join the RCEP. The study explores scholarly literature and analyzes key imperatives such as integration in global value chains, consolidation of existing trade agreements and shaping global rulemaking for India to reconsider joining the RCEP agreement in the context of India’s new FTA strategy. The study findings demonstrate that India’s recalibrated strategy toward FTAs has significantly changed in terms of its geographical orientation, shift to bilateral trade deals, and geopolitical orientation. However, India is unlikely to consider joining the RCEP even under its new FTA strategy.

The 2020 US Presidential election is now over. After listening to the essence of Mr. Biden’s inauguration speech, “America is Back!,” people around the world are cautiously expecting the revival of multilateralism. This research is to tackle a fundamental question of: “Is America Back to Multilateralism?,” by focusing on the US’s China trade policy under the Biden presidency. This essay consists of five parts including Introduction and Conclusion. Part two will review the development of postwar multilateralism which constructed the rulebased trade governance. Part three will analyze the challenge and crisis of contemporary multilateralism under former President Trump and the possibility of its resurrection under Biden administration. The author will review the origin and evolution of the US-China trade war. Part four will look into the possibility of reconstructing multilateral world for sustainable development. Part five will conclude the essay predicting the US’s China trade policy under the Biden administration.

The multilateral trade relations between Malaysia and MERCOSUR is a new market. This study focuses on automotive policy areas towards the MERCOSUR regime which focus on trade ties. The purpose of this study is to expand national automotive policy to penetrate the automotive sector in the MERCOSUR. While it create opportunities to penetrate the automotive sector in MERCOSUR where Malaysia needs to enhancement national trade performance of FTA potential within MERCOSUR regime especially on investment and trade. The main issue is the lack of progress and process are restrictions on Malaysia's within MERCOSUR in the automotive field. Malaysia does not pursue trade within respective nation but in statistical shows have a large and positive market economy with the southern continent of America, especially the automotive industry and lack of performance of Malaysian counterparts and MERCOSUR and unsuccessful automotive investment and exporters. This research uses qualitative research methods, data collection, interviews, and content analysis methods for this study. Expert from respective agencies as interviewees such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), Malaysia Trade Relations Division (MATRADE), the Department of Robotics and the automotive trade policy of Malaysia and the IoT Institute. Coding techniques are used for coding processes in content analysis. Hereby, the analysis by using the Economic Integration theory with SWOT Analysis to find out the implementation of Malaysia FTA within the MERCOSUR .Hence, research findings show that Malaysia's multilateral within MERCOSUR relations have a potential to be strengthened with a variety of positive and initiatives from the Malaysia government.

Agricultural production is the most important sector, because it supplies human food, clothing, medicine, employment, etc. In order to promote development as well as investigation into agriculture, it is critical to master into any agricultural systems all over the world. This study is to capture comprehensive understanding on the status of Vietnam’s agricultural production, trade and policies. Vietnam is an agricultural country with a long history of Wet Paddy Civilization where agriculture sharing 35.1% of land area, employing 42% of labors and contributing up to 17% of total 196.3 - billion$ GDP in 2015. During the last 30 years of implementing Doi Moi Policy, a market orientation reform. Vietnam has achieved remarkable results for ensuring national as well as global food security, eliminating hunger, alleviating poverty. The country has transformed from one of the world’s poorest to a lower middle-income country (1,990 $/capita in 2015) with high exporting quantities of agricultural products for being the world largest exporter of cashews nut and black pepper, the second largest exporter of coffee and cassava, and the third largest exporter of rice in 2013. The nation has boosted its international economic integration with more than 100 different trading partners all around world, which has provided a further catalyst for national economic development. However, the country is still facing with many challenges in agricultural production. Hence, the country has made big efforts to restructure its agriculture. Production is oriented towards agriculture commodities with intensive cultivation and specialization to boost productivity and quality, using more machinery, agricultural materials, high technologies, and agriculture associated with industrial processing and agricultural services.

China’s economic success and trade expansion since the 1980s is one of the most important economic achievements, which lifted more populations out of extreme poverty than any other time and place in history. This achievement has been made possible by trade-led development policies successfully adopted by China. China also joined the WTO in 2001, after fifteen years of negotiations with its trade partners, and is subject to WTO legal disciplines requiring the transparency of its trade-related decisions and procedures. This article examines China’s economic reform, which led to its accession into the WTO, and reviews China’s trade and development policies under the WTO. In addition, this article discusses China’s participation in the WTO Dispute Settlement Procedure. There has been a concern as to whether China will be compliant with the requirements under the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). The article shows that China has become an active participant and has maintained well under the terms of the DSU.

본 연구는 공급자(supplier), 소매상(retailer) 그리고 고객(customer)으로 구성된 2 단계 공급사슬에서 소매상의 관점에서 소매상의 최적 재고정책 결정에 관한 문제를 다루었다. 공급자는 수요 증대를 목적으로 소매상의 주문량에 따라 다단계로 일정기간동안 제품 판매대금에 대한 지불 연기(외상)를 허용하고, 고객의 수요는 소매상의 제품 재고량에 영향을 받는다는 가정 하에 재고 모형을 설계하였다. 모형 분석을 통하여 소매상의 이익을 최대화하

세계 콩 교역은 일부 소수 수출국과 다국적 곡물메이저가 주도하는 시장구조이며, non-GM 콩 교역물량은 매년 축소된다는 특징을 가지고 있어 우리나라와 같이 국민이 필요로 하는 콩을 해외시장에서 대부분 조달하는 수입국에게는 매우 불리한 여건이다. 2009년 현재 우리나라의 해외 non-GM 식용 콩 조달은 중국(76%)과 미국(22%)에 집중되어 있으며 특히 중국으로부터의 수입 비중이 매우 크다. 하지만 중국은 근본적으로 대규모콩 순수입국이며, 최근 국제 곡물가격이 상승하자 중국은 국내 물가 안정 차원에서 주요 곡물 수출에 대해 수출세를 부과하고 수출에 대한 관세 환급제를 폐지하는 등 보호적 태도를보이고 있다. 이는 우리나라와 같은 식량수입국에게 안정적인미래 식량 자원 확보의 필요성을 환기시켰다. 이에 단기적으로 무엇보다 콩 수입선 다변화, 선물거래의 활용, 해외농업개발과 연계된 조달방안 마련 등 해외 조달방식의 다양화가 필요하다. 세계적으로 GM 작물의 재배면적이 늘어나는 추세임에도 국내 소비자들의 non-GM 작물에 대한 수요는 계속 증가할 것으로 보인다. 향후 non-GM 콩의 수요가 늘어날 것에 대비하여 기존 미국과 중국에서 대부분의 콩을 수입해 온 것에서 벗어나 곡물메이저가 진출하지 않고 근거리에 위치한 중앙아시아나 연해주, 또한 수확시기가 다른 점을 이용할 수 있는 남반구 국가들과 같이 다양한 지역의 여러 가지 요소를 전략적으로 고려한 공급기반 확보 노력이 필요하다. 또한 일본과 같이 고품질의 non-GM 콩을 안정적으로 확보하기 위해서는 국제곡물 유통기업을 설립하여 효과적 수입조달 체계를 구축하는 것도 필요하다. 동시에 국내적으로는 콩비축 관리제도를 확대 운영하고 조기 경보시스템을 구축하는제도적 노력과 함께 국내 생산 증대를 위한 다각적인 정책노력도 기울여 나가야 할 것이다.