“If you‟re ever found yourself wondering what to do during an annoyingly long layover (hi, hello, all of us), „get Botox‟ will soon join your list of possibilities – at least if you‟re traveling in South Korea”(MacKenzie, 2017). Introduction Cosmetic surgery has become a new attraction for Chinese tourists to visit Korea. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare of Korea, 27,646 of 127,648 Chinese medical tourists who visited Korea in 2016 did so to obtain cosmetic surgery (Nam, 2017). This paper presents how external desire influenced the socio-historical development of the cosmetic surgery tourism in South Korea, focusing on Chinese crossborder consumption. In analyzing this relatively new phenomenon, we identified two intertwined desires. Specifically, while popularity of cosmetic surgery in South Korea is driven by the desire of individual Chinese consumers to obtain symbolic capital by achieving so-called K-beauty, this directly supports the collective desire of the Korean nation to construct a new Korean-ness. This trend has led to the promotion of Medical Korea, aiming to erase the former image of uncool industrial emerging country. In examining these complex practices, we employed the conception of “nation-ness” (Taylor, 1997) to elucidate the renewal of Korean national identity in the medical tourism industry and the global marketplace (Anderson, 1991; Appadurai, 1996; Lee, 2017). This paper commences with a brief outline of the socio-historical development of cosmetic surgery in Asian societies. We then discuss the connection of beauty and social capital among the Chinese consumer society and how Korean‟s cosmetic surgery industry has become the icon site for the achieving the ideal beauty. The paper closes with an illustration of the inter-relationship between the emerging consumer desire for beauty and the reconstruction of Korean-ness. Cosmetic surgery in contemporary asian consumer society Drawing on Giddens‟s (1991) notion of reflexivity, Belk (1988) and other consumer researchers have revealed that consumers consider their body as their possession and a reflection of their self. Consequently, some see it as a resource for constructing their desired identity through cosmetic surgeries (Askegaard, Gertsen, & Langer, 2002; Schouten, 1991; Thompson & Hirschman, 1995). While this phenomenon has mostly been examined in the context of contemporary Western consumer society, it is increasingly becoming more widespread. Such practices have resulted in human body no longer being viewed as a biological entity, but rather as “the finest consumption object” that can be further refined if needed (Baudrillard, 2005, p. 129). Altering one‟s body has traditionally been considered a taboo in many Asian cultures. In ancient Chinese society, there was a general perception that our bodies, down to a single hair and a flake of skin, are given to us by our parents. Therefore, any modification to the way our body looks and functions would be considered disrespectful to one‟s parents (Hua, 2013). However, in the world of cable TV and mass-circulation of Hollywood movies, in which social media has become an indispensable part of everyday life for most individuals, it is not surprising that Western beauty ideals have emerged as a dominant reference for the rest of the world. As the Westernized values and lifestyles become more easily accessible through media, they challenge these former social norms. Consequently, Asian women are increasingly seeking body modifications, such as plastic surgery, in an attempt to attain the elusive ideal beauty. In her research on body alternations, Orbach (2011) reported that 50 percent of teenage girls in South Korea planned to alter their faces or bodies through plastic surgery. According to the available evidence, in 2011, South Korea was rated first in the world in terms of the per capita ratio of aesthetic plastic surgeries (Shin, 2011). The success of South Korea‟s plastic surgery industry then made the country one of the best site for body alternations in the global beauty marketplace. Chinese desire for new face: beauty as capital Although it directly counters old Confucian doctrine of not tampering with one‟s body for filial piety, cosmetics surgery is very popular in China. In her book Buying Beauty, Hua (2013) noted that the increasingly brutal competition for jobs has prompted Chinese women to regard beauty as capital. It is thus not uncommon for Chinese parents to finance their daughters‟ cosmetic surgery, as they have come to perceive a pretty face as a worthwhile long-term investment, as it may increase the future career and/or marriage prospects of their daughters. For this reason, Chinese women are undergoing cosmetic surgery at a much younger age than do their Western counterparts. “Being good-looking is capital” has become the epitome of Chinese young girls. They consider attractive appearance that a cosmetic surgery may proffer as a form of capital, which they believe can give them a competitive advantage in the increasingly fierce job market (Hua, 2013). This attitude is prevalent among women, as gender and appearance discrimination is widespread in Chinese job market even in occupations where outward appearance usually has no relevance, such as civil service and government institutions (Hua, 2013). Owing to the increasingly widespread access to popular and social media and TV as a result of China reopening its doors, Chinese beauty standards have changed, whereby the perception of ideal image is heavily influenced by Western movies, pop culture, and the fashion and beauty industry (Hua, 2013). As Luo‟s (2012) research demonstrated, however, these newly adopted Western beauty ideals are coming into conflict with those that have traditionally been held by the Chinese. Yet, as Li et al. (2007) have shown, not all recent changes to the perceptions of and attitudes toward external appearance can be attributed to the Western influence. In their cross-cultural study on skin-whitening practices in four Asian markets, the authors reported that the desire for “white skin” in many Asian cultures (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Indian) has a long history. Saraswati (2010) concurred with this finding, stating that, in the non-Western context, the desire for “whiteness” cannot be equated to the desire for “Caucasian whiteness,” implying that the concept of whiteness may be context-dependent. This tension seems to be relieved by the adoption of Korean beauty ideal, which blends the Western and Korean physical traits and has resulted in Hallyu or the Korean Wave. Since the late 1990s, the term “Hallyu” has been used to describe the influx of South Korean popular culture in Asia. Korean TV dramas, movies, and popular music (K-pop) have in recent decades become staples in Asian markets formerly dominated by Japan and Hong Kong (Seabrook, 2012). Since the Korean Wave hit China, the visual appearance, fashion trends, hairstyle choices, and make-up styles of Korean stars have become highly popular. Consequently, many Chinese people regard Korea as the cosmetic surgery hub of Asia, as Korean beauty is admired by Chinese people who thus aspire to attain it by undergoing various surgical and non-surgical procedures. This growing trend was spurred by the success of the TV drama, Jewel in the Palace, which resulted in the popularity of the lead actress Lee Young Ae among Chinese women, who would ask plastic surgeons to make them look like her (Hua, 2013). The popularity of Korean pop culture and the widespread adoption of the Korean beauty ideals can be interpreted as counter-standard against the Western beauty. Yet, as Hua (2013) and others argue, the rise of Korean influence in the Asian markets can also be viewed as an indication of the submission to the Western beauty imperialism. This tension exists, as their Mongolian heredity with more prominent noses and lighter skins than other Asians gives Koreans certain “Western” features (Fairclough, 2005). The new face and desire for the new national identity Not long ago, Korea had the reputation as an emerging industrial nation that manufactures low-cost cars and appliances (Fairclough, 2005; Seabrook, 2012). South Korea has a long history and reputation as an industrial hub in East Asia. Some of the top global brands, such as Samsung, Hyundai, and LG, began as the key manufacturing partners of Western brands in the early and mid-twentieth century. Korea is also often associated with the Korean War, as described in US motion pictures, such as MASH (Preminger & Altman,1970). However, in the late 1990s, this image began to change with the increasing popularity of aforementioned Hallyu entertainment contents (Fairclough, 2005). In fact, the latest “Korean Wave” has ushered a brand-new transnational representation of Korea into the global marketplace. Following a highly successful cultural Hallyu, Korea has recently launched medical Hallyu, promoting cosmetic surgery (Eun, 2013). In the 2000s, Korean cosmetic surgery emerged as a successful byproduct of the Korean Wave. This growing trend has since become a source of great national pride in South Korea (Holliday, Bell, Cheung, Jones, & Probyn, 2015). While Korean entertainment products were generating enormous revenues, cosmetic surgery was recognized as a profitable addition to the already lucrative export industry, as foreign tourists were willing to travel to the country in order to undergo operations that would make them look like Korean Hallyu stars. In recognition of this change in attitudes towards physical appearance and beauty ideals, “Korean cosmetic surgery” (Hanshi zhengxing) and “Korean-style beauty” (Hanshi meirong) became key words in the cosmetic surgery advertisements in China (Davies & Han, 2011). Cosmetic surgery clinics in the trendiest Gangnam and Apgujeong districts of Seoul often provide medical tourism packages targeting foreign tourists coming from China and other Southeast Asian countries (Eun, 2013). As Hallyu boasts a creative integration of the Western and Korean elements in its entertainment contents (Shim, 2006), Korean cosmetic surgeons are attempting to achieve the same. According to a doctor that took part in Shim‟s (2009) study, Korean surgeons have the best skills to operate on Asian patients, as they have smaller physique and denser subcutaneous tissues compared to their Western counterparts. Although Korean surgeons used to travel to the U.S. to obtain training for the popular procedures, such as eyelid surgery, they subsequently modified the American techniques, realizing that they were inappropriate for the “Korean Body.” For instance, removing too much fat from the eyelids created an unnatural Western eyes that were not suitable for Korean facial structure. Such specialism, which is now internationally recognized, makes aspirant youths from neighboring China and Korean diaspora more than willing to travel to Korea to undergo elective cosmetic procedures that would improve their visual appearance (Holliday, Bell, Cheung, Jones, & Probyn, 2015). The Korean government‟s active support for the export of cultural products has also helped the proliferation of cosmetic surgery tourism. In 2009, the Korean National Assembly passed an amendment to the medical law, enabling hospitals to advertise their services and promote medical tourism (Eun, 2013). Korea Tourism Organization (KTO), a subsidiary organization of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, runs an online medical tourism platform website, visitmedicalkorea.com, to provide foreign tourists with information about Korean medical tourism. It also supports the overseas marketing of companies and hospitals as a means of attracting more tourists to the country (Korea Tourism Organization, n.d.). While the KTO website is not solely dedicated to cosmetic surgery tourism, Visit Medical Korea‟s website boasts the massive number of cosmetic surgery operations performed every year in Korea. The country is now the third largest cosmetic surgery market after the U.S. and Brazil, as the recognition of the high skill level of Korean surgeons and their use of modern technology motivates many individuals to visit Korea for their beauty enhancement (Korea Tourism Organization and Korea Health Industry Development Institute, n.d.). The fact that Korea has achieved economic progress through rapid modernization but did not give up many of its traditions is another allure to many Asian tourists (Fairclough, 2005). This is emphasized in the promotional video published by KTO through the juxtaposition of the beauty of traditional porcelain making inherited from Joseon dynasty with cutting edge medical technology and skills of Korean medical industry (Korea Tourism Organization, 2016). Conclusion: renewing “Korean-ness” in the global marketplace Desire to be beautiful and prolong one‟s youth is not unique to modern times. Yet, medical advances now make even extending one‟s height by breaking and separating the thigh bone to prompt growth possible. While this sounds scary and can be highly dangerous, it is a very popular operation in Shanghai. Cosmetic surgery is no doubt a popular service high on many Chinese consumers‟ list. Although it may be cynical to say that our desire for beautiful body is perpetuated and exploited by the style industries, it is true that the beauty, cosmetic, fashion, media, and celebrity industries are playing an important role in shaping our beauty standards and promoting the ideal body size/shape in the contemporary marketplace (Orbach, 2011). In this study, we connected Chinese consumers‟ desire for new facial features with the emerging plastic surgery tourism in South Korea as an exemplar of the reconstruction of national identity. The term “nation-ness” is comprehensive and links disparate phenomena, such as nation, nationalism, and nationality by including “everything from the bureaucratic fact of citizenship to the nationalist‟s mythical construction of nation as an eternal entity” (Taylor, 1997, p. 277). In this study, we argued that cosmetic surgery has become a new Korean national identity, which is not solely reflected in the rise of Korean beauty and style in the Pan-Asian (Cayla & Eckhardt, 2008) or even global marketplace. The new identity has also inherited the techno-industrial past, as the preciseness and high quality of Korean “industry” are valuable traits to transfer to this new medical field. In this paper, we demonstrated that the creation and promotion of ideal beauty and body is part of a broader political strategy, in which governments, corporations, and key cultural stakeholders are actively, and sometimes collectively, shaping and monitoring individuals‟ bodily practices.

이 논문은 금병매의 여주인공인 반금련의 욕망분석과 그녀의 삶이 비극으로 치닫게 된 원인 연구를 주제로 한다. 금병매는 명 중엽 이후의 심학 사상의 영향으로 인해 욕망을 긍정하던 사회적 분위기 속에서 나온 소설이다. 그에 걸맞게 금병매 속의 모든 인물들은 각자의 개성을 드러내고 있으며 원초적이고도 다양한 욕망들을 사실적으로 드러내고 있다. 그 중에서 도 반금련은 여성이라는 사회적 약자의 지위에 있으면서도 삶에 순응하거나 외부적 제약을 받아들이기 보다는 적극적으로 삶을 개척하고자 하였고 자신의 욕망을 만족시키기 위해 수단과 방법을 가리지 않고 노력하였다. 본고에서는 반금련이라는 인물이 적나라하게 드러내고 있는 여러 욕망의 대상, 욕망 추구의 양상 등을 살펴보고 그녀가 맞이하게 되는 비극의 원인 을 개인적·사회적·사상적 배경 속에서 살펴보았다.

본고는 猪八戒가 표출하는 다양한 욕망을 불교적 관점을 원용하여 분석함으로써 저팔계의 수행과정과 그의 수행에 담겨진 의미를 분석하고, 『西遊記』에서의 저팔계의 역할과 위치를 조명한 논문이다. 저팔계의 욕망세계를 고찰하기 위한 기초 작업으로 먼저 그의 생애와 존재 에 관련된 몇 가지 특징들을 서술한 뒤, 이어서 저팔계의 행동과 심리를 통하여 그의 욕망 세계와 그 안에 내재하는 의미를 살펴보았다. 그 결과, 『西遊記』는 저팔계를 통하여 인간의 고통은 욕망에서 비롯된다는 진리를 밝히고, 고를 벗어날 수 있는 방법인 수행의 길을 제시 하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 즉 인간존재의 욕망과 욕망으로부터 자유로워지는 방법에 관한 제반 문제를 심도 있게 펼쳐 보이고 있다고 생각된다. 세속인의 욕망을 대표하는 저팔계로 하여금 수행의 길을 가도록 안배한 뒤, 수행의 길에서 그가 표출하는 貪·嗔·痴의 양상을 생생 하게 그림으로써 생명력이 넘치는 저팔계라는 인물을 창조하고, 이를 통하여 소설의 흥미와 재미를 고조시키고 작품 안에 심오한 주제를 불어 넣었음을 확인할 수 있었다.

Introduction What is fast fashion? Does this term just define all the latest or the most popular or the most famous clothes? In reality, this social phenomenon goes beyond the conventional notion of industrialized fashion and carries more importance than is implied by this view. Fast fashion, defined as “the retail strategy of adapting merchandise assortments to current and emerging trends as quickly and effectively as possible” (Sull & Turconi, 2008, p. 5), has received a great amount of attention from fashion marketers and consumers since its inception during the 21st century (Tokatli, 2008; Jang et al., 2012). The purpose of this study was to deepen our understanding of fast fashion consumers. Based on the review of related literature, the key variables related to fast fashion consumers were categorized into three dimensions: consumer characteristics (i.e., fashion leadership, price consciousness), consumer awareness (i.e., awareness of sustainable practices of fast fashion retailers, perception of fashion democratization), and attitude toward fast fashion retailers. The three dimensions were examined in a sequential manner to assess the power of each set of antecedents in explaining college students’ repatronage intention of fast fashion retailers. Related Literature While fast fashion retailers have experienced a huge financial success mainly due to their affordable and accessible fashion products, they have also been harshly criticized by some members of the public because of their lack of corporate social responsibility. Indeed, fast fashion retailers’ low cost and efficient supply chain management systems have had negative effects on the environment, society, and people (Barnes & Lea-Greenwood, 2006; Bruce & Daly, 2006; Ro & Kim, 2009). The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced that about 14.3 million tons of textiles were generated in 2012, making up 5.2 percent of total municipal solid waste. Such massive textile waste has been attributed to fast fashion retailers because the cheap and trendy items they produce encourage consumers to make frequent purchases and to frequently dispose of unwanted clothing. Furthermore, several fast fashion retailers (e.g. Gap and Forever 21) have been criticized for the use of child labor and the sweatshop-like conditions of their factories (Ramishvili, 2012). Moreover, some fast fashion retailers have been involved in intellectual property lawsuits because they replicated the runway designs of prominent designers to produce knock-off products (Pous, 2013). In response, a few fashion experts claim that fast fashion retailers destroy fashion because the styles produced lack of aesthetic expression and creativity (Choufan, 2013). However, these issues are not solely a problem associated with fast fashion retailers. In fact, the entire fashion industry is responsible for adverse environmental and societal consequences to some extent. Traditional fashion retailers (e.g. Diesel, Levi’s, Dolce & Gabbana, Chanel, Hermès) also generate huge amounts of textile waste along with hazardous waste that results from the chemical materials used in production processes. Their products are also manufactured in developing countries to keep production costs low. They also may not pay attention to the labor environment. Therefore, traditional fashion retailers along with fast fashion retailers have responsibilities related to sustainability issues (Casey, 2014; Greenpeace, 2013). Nevertheless, fast fashion retailers have received the majority of the public’s criticism regarding these issues. Contrary to a popular belief, fast fashion retailers have taken some steps to apply the concept of sustainability into their business practices. For example, H&M collects unwanted garments for recycling, uses recycled or reused materials for producing new garments and uses organic cottons (Lanyon, 2013). Other fast fashion retailers like Zara, Topshop and Uniqlo as well as H&M also have launched eco-friendly collections (MacDonald, 2012). Moreover, H&M, Zara, Mango and Uniqlo have committed to eliminate the release of toxic chemicals by 2020 in response to Greenpeace’s Detox campaign and to public pressure (Greenpeace, 2012). Furthermore, fast fashion retailers are also paying attention to labor issues. For instance, after more than 1,100 people died from the Rana Plaza building collapse on April 24th in 2013 (Chua, 2013), major fast fashion retailers signed the Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh. This accord indicates these retailers agree to be responsible for the working environment for employees in apparel factories in Bangladesh. Although their ultimate goal might be to increase their sales by recovering their brand images damaged by unfavorable media coverage, it is clear that movement toward sustainable practices will minimize the negative impact of their business practices on the environment and society and encourage other retailers to incorporate sustainable practices. In spite of the harsh criticism directed at fast fashion retailers, consumers still like wearing fast fashion products considering that fast fashion retailers have continuously expanded their businesses worldwide and have been successful. Prior researchers interested in fast fashion retailers have focused on supply chain management issues (Barnes & Lea-Greenwood, 2006; Mihm, 2010), the value of fast fashion (Cachon & Swinney, 2011), and indentifying business strategies of a particular fast fashion retailer (Ferdows, Lewis, & Machuca, 2005; Ghemawat, Nueno, & Dailey, 2003; Tokatli, 2008). However, few researchers have theoretically explained why consumers still like fast fashion products and visit fast fashion retailers. With that in mind, the present study identified various factors that positively influence consumer attitude and their patronage intention toward fast fashion retailers. Furthermore, although fast fashion retailers have positive motivations toward consumers (e.g. provide inexpensive fashionable items,participate in sustainable practices), consumer research has highlighted their negative effects on the environment and society (e.g., Morgan & Birtwistle, 2009). Methods An online self-administered survey methodology was employed with a purposive sample of U.S. college students who had shopped at fast fashion retailers. A total of 154 usable responses were used for data analysis. The click through rate was 79.79%. Exploratory factor analysis and hierarchical regression were used to examine the interrelationships among the three dimensions of antecedents (consumer characteristics, consumer awareness, consumer attitude) and repatronage intention. The measurement items employed were developed based on previous literature. All items were reviewed and modified to fit the context of this research: consumer attitude and patronage intention toward fast fashion retailers (Madden, Ellen, & Ajzen, 1992); perception of fashion democratization (PFD) (Dubois, Czellar, & Laurent, 2005); fashion opinion leadership (Flynn et al., 1996; Goldsmith & Hofacker, 1991); and price consciousness (Lichtenstein et al., 1993). The items for measuring awareness of sustainable practices of fast fashion retailers (ASP) were created based on news articles presenting sustainable practices fast fashion retailers actually engaged in. Participant Characteristics Among the participants, 48.1% were majoring in a fashion related area (e.g. fashion design, retail merchandising). The majority of the participants were female (85.1%). Most participants (92.2%) were between 18 and 25 years old. With respect to ethnicity, 63.0% were Caucasian. Approximately half of the participants (52.6%) reported that they earned less than $10,000 annually. Also, 26.0% of the participants shopped at fast fashion retailers once a month. Results A weighted least squares (WLS) hierarchical regression analysis was used for data analysis. Fast fashion shopping frequency was used as a weight variable as it is related to the variability in the dependent variable. The results revealed that: (a) fashion leadership positively influenced repatonage intention (Model 1); (b) after controlling consumer characteristics, PFD played a significant role in increasing variance explained in repatonage intention (Model 2) and (c) after controlling consumer characteristics and awareness, consumer attitude was found to be a significant predictor, partially mediating the linkages from fashion leadership and PFD to repatronage intention (Model 3). Implications and Conclusion Our findings suggest that fashion leadership plays an important role in the fast fashion market because it initiates the acceptance of new trends and leads to diffusion of new fashion. Prior research suggests that fashion leaders (versus followers) are willing to take risks in trying new items offered by fast fashion retailers, are interested in fashion information, tend to retain fashion items for socializing for a short period of time and need various and unique fashion items (Goldsmith, Freiden & Kilsheimer, 1993; Kang & Park-Poaps, 2010). Given that fast fashion retailers promote frequent purchases and decrease the financial burden by offering new products on a weekly basis and charging low prices, our finding is consistent with fashion leaders’ characteristics prior research identified. Another important finding is that the role of PDF in defining fast fashion consumers. Fast fashion products look similar to high-end products, but are comparatively inexpensive because the fast fashion retailers apply or copy high-end designs into their products and use cheap materials (Niinimäki, 2009; Reinach, 2005). Also, fast fashion retailers open tremendous stores across the world, which make fashion more accessible to consumers globally. As a result, fast fashion retailers accelerate the fashion democratization and it means that both concepts of fast fashion and fashion democratization are highly related. As Wang (2010) stated, “fast fashion’s soul is to make fashion democratized with its low price and speed” (p.10). Further research is needed to extend and corroborate the findings of this study.

본 연구는 『聊齋志异』 속 ‘人化爲物型’ 고사 네 편( 阿寶, 向杲, 促織, 竹靑)을 대상 으로, 주인공들이 인간에서 동물로 변신하게 된 동기와 양상을 분석하고, 변신을 통해 그들이 추구한 욕망의 성격을 규명하는 것이다. 각 작품의 서사 전개 양상을 분석한 결과, 이들의 변 신은 모두 변신 주체의 내적 결핍이 외부적 억압기제와 결합하면서 발생하게 된 것임을 알 수 있었다. 인물의 변신을 推動하는 동기, 내적 결핍, 특정한 동물로 변신하는 변신의 방향성, 이 세 가지 요소의 종합 분석을 통해 도출해낸 욕망의 구체적인 양상은 첫째, 진실한 사랑을 얻고자 하는 욕망, 둘째, 사회적 제약에서 벗어나고자 하는 욕망, 셋째, 타자로부터 인정받고 자 하는 욕망, 넷째, 현실에서 탈주하고자 하는 욕망이다. 이들의 욕망이 당시 사회와의 관계 속에서 축적되고 분출된 것이라는 점을 고려한다면, 이 속에는 동시대를 살아간 인물들의 공 통된 욕망 또한 일정부분 반영되어 있을 것이다. 즉, 『요재지이』 속 변신 서사에는 ‘변신’이라 는 환상의 세계와 ‘욕망’이라는 현실의 세계가 공존하고 있다고 하겠다.

에드나 오브라이언(Edna O’Brien)은 금세기 이전에는 저평가된 작가이 다. 우리나라에서는 오브라이언뿐만 아니라, 제임스 조이스(James Joyce) 이후의 아일 랜드 작가들은 심도 있는 비평적 주목을 받지 못하고 있다. 이멜다 수녀 (“Sister Imelda”)에서 오브라이언은 이멜다 수녀의 세속적 욕망을 교묘하게 숨기고 있다. 독자 는 탐정소설을 읽고 있는 것처럼 이야기 속에 감추어진 욕망을 파헤쳐야 한다. 오브라 이언은 남성중심 사회에서 정해진 성역할을 강요하는 이성애적 관계에 대해 화자가 회의적인 시각을 드러내게 하면서 동성애적 욕망을 정당시 한다.

물리적 청결과 도덕적 판단에 대한 기존의 실험 연구들은 청결 관련 개념이 활성화될 때 사람들은 도덕적으로 더 엄격해 진다는 것을 보고하였다. 하지만 원래 가지고 있는 개인 간 청결 욕구의 차이와 도덕적 판단의 관계는 아직 명확하지 않다. 본 연구에서는 설문조사를 통해 개인이 평상시에 느끼는 청결 욕구와 도덕적 판단이 관련이 있는지(연구 1), 그리고 실험적으로 조작된 물리적 청결 수준이 청결 욕구와 도덕적 판단간의 관계에 영향을 미치는 지(연구 2)를 알아보았다. 연구 결과, 참가자들은 일상생활 속에서 본인이 가지고 있는 청결 욕구가 높을수록 도덕적 판단 기준 또한 엄격하였으며 평소 청결에 대한 욕구가 높지 않은 참가자들은 상대적으로 도덕적 판단 기준이 온화 한 것을 알 수 있었다. 이는 실험적으로 청결 수준을 조작하였을 때에도 동일하게 나타났으며 물리적 청결 수준에 따른 도덕적 판단의 평균 차이는 유의미하지 않았다.

Consumers with a strong desire for exclusivity tend to prefer scarce products more than those with a weak desire for exclusivity (Bagwell and Bernheim 1996; Lynn 1991). For example, they are willing to pay more for limited-edition products to fulfill their desire for exclusive association with scarce resources (Amaldoss and Jain 2005). In an effort to further develop the theoretic framework for the scarcity effect, I examine the interactive effect of desire for exclusivity and power, defined as asymmetric control over valued resources (Magee and Galinsky 2008), on evaluations of scarce products such as luxury experiential products. Two experiments show that participants with strong desire for exclusivity evaluate luxury experiential products more favorably than those with weak desire for exclusivity, only for high power condition, not for low power condition. This finding suggest that power state moderate the effect of desire for exclusivity on consumers’ preference for scarce products.

The paper examines how culture and desire for status influence the consumption of luxury brands in two culturally dissimilar countries: Vietnam and USA. Based on survey data from the two countries, results confirm that desire for status is a key factor for the consumption of luxuries in both countries. The cultural context of collectivism reinforces the effect of desire for status. Of all the collectivist/individualist orientations, vertical individualism was found to increase desire for status.

이 논문은 욕망의 생성 혹은 욕망함과 욕망의 승화와 정화 그리고 이로 인한 내면적 갈등의 시화(詩化)에 초점을 둔다. 오직 상상으로 가능한 예이츠의 비잔티움은 영원하고 완전한 성도이고 속세의 현실로부터 안전한 안식처이다. 예이츠의 정신적 영원성을 상징하는 황금새는 현실의 모든 세속적 속성들을 거부하는 인공적 피조물이다. 그러므로 이 조형물은 오직 시인의 비전속에서만 존재한다. 영적 순례와 환생의 열망이 강해질수록 시인의 안타까운 욕망은 전복되고 단절된다. 비잔티움은 오직 시인이 욕망을 실현한 이상향으로만 상상되고 가정된다. 결국 비잔티움의 재현은 그 곳으로의 정신적 항해의 실현이 불가능함을 인식하고 있음을 함의한다. 그래서 역설적으로 욕망이 충족되지 않는 상황만 계속 발생한다. 비잔티움의 미적 재현은 예이츠의 전복된 욕망을 의미할 뿐이다.

종교적 텍스트는 경전(經典)이다. 경전은 종교적 텍스트로서 종교의례의 시작과 끝이며, 경전의 해석은 곧 종교인의 삶을 규정한다. 경전을 통해 개별종파는 외부와의 경계를 설정하고, 내부적 일체감과 자기증식을 도모한다. 언제나 경전을 되새기며, 개별종교의 담론은 지속적으로 재생산되고, 확장되어왔다. 한편 종교적인 것이 바람직하다는 이데올로기는 경전을 통해 확대, 재생산 되어온 이념이다. 개별존재는 각자가 처한 상황에 따라 저마다 다른 방식으로 텍스트에 반응한다. 감동, 동의, 두려움, 회피 그리고 거부는 종교적 텍스트에 대응하는 개별존재의 선택이다. 한편 종교적인 것은 경건한 것, 바람직한 것으로 간주되고, 인간이 살아가는 세속세계는 불경한 것, 금기시해야할 것, 타부(taboo)의 영역으로 그려지곤 한다. 그러나 인간론의 관점에서 속세의 욕망에 집착하는 존재나, 종교적 경건에 몰입하는 존재, 이 양자 모두는 결국, 자아의 충족을 위해 무엇인가를 끊임없이 추구한다는 점에서 존재론적으로 유사한 존재다. 언제나 자신의 세계에 집작하는 존재는 결국 필연적으로 무엇인가를 욕망하는 존재이기 때문이다.

예이츠와 니체는 욕망에 대해서 같은 관점을 가지고 있다. 예이츠와 니체는 금욕주의와 달리 욕망을 적극적인 차원에서 사용한다. 욕망이 가진 자연성과 생명성을 드러냄으로써 인간의 성숙과 궁극적인 진리에 이르려 한다. 예이츠와 니체는 이원론에 의한 투쟁과 갈등의 상황을 통해서 진정한 자아상을 추구한다. 그들의 투쟁적 상황은 끊임없이 반복되기에 계속적인 창조적 가치를 산출한다. 그들의 투쟁의 반복성은 헤라클레이토스의 만물은 변화한다는 탈고정성에 뿌리를 두고 있다. 예이츠와 니체의 정신세계는 탈고정성에 따라 끊임없는 투쟁을 통해 새로운 가치를 창조해 나아간다. 본문은 이러한 과정을 면밀히 탐구해 나아간다.

The purpose of this study is to investigate learning desire based on the interests, application of clothing and textiles in Technology․Home Economics curriculum of middle school. For this research, a questionnaire survey was conducted to 404 middle school students living in Seoul and Kyunggi areas. The data was analyzed by frequency, descriptive statistics, Cronbach's α coefficient, one-way ANOVA, and Duncan-test using SPSS 14.0. The conclusions of this study are as follows: First, the perception of middle school student for Technology․Home Economics was low. Students were interested not in the clothing and textile education but in getting dressed specially, and purchasing of clothes. Second, the more interested in the area of clothing and textiles, the higher is the application of apparels coordination, apparel purchase, and apparel management. And the more interested in the area of clothing and textiles, the higher is the desire in class contents. Therefore, teaching-learning methods should be developed to improve middle school students' interests, and applications in the clothing and textiles.

In 21st century, subordinated relationship of fashion from the body has been disappearing, and fashion is understood as variable and creative field. This research aims at analysis about the relationship between the body and fashion depending on the theories about the authority and the desire. So, this utilizes between theoretical study and empirical analysis. For concentrated study, research period limits from 2000 to the present time 2010. Contemporary body and fashion have being changed into various forms and values, become complex and de-territory. Especially, body is symbol of ambivalence eroticism that gives point to sexual property, and the object of fetishism and machine having a desire. This study's purpose draw a parallel with between the limits of contemporary body that couldn’t be rid of the capital and desire, and the liberty of fashion that escape from the body’s influence has being changed independent and fluid space. This research's results are as follow as; contemporary de-territory fashion is expressed as 1) symbol of the object and physical material property, 2) self-transcendental instrument fashion, 3) independent spatial molding, 4) de-centering fashion.

This study purposed to examine how the window display of flower shops affects consumers' buying desire, and for this purpose, we surveyed flower buying customers' interest in window display according to their gender, age, and occupation. The survey was conducted using a questionnaire with flower shop customers in Seoul, Daegu, and Gyeongju. Interest in window display was over 1.5 times higher in women than in men. Among criteria for choosing a flower shop, window display was more important than other factors. With regard to experience of being stopped by unique window display, many of the respondents replied that they had such an experience, and the frequency was higher among women than among men. Among different types of window display, theme-type window display was most effective in stimulating customers' curiosity and buying desire. According to occupation, housewives showed particularly high interest in window display. The results of this study show that the window display of flower shops has a significant effect on consumers' buying desire.

賴聲川과 表演工作坊은 대만의 사라져 가던 상성을 부활 시켰다. 엄밀하게 말하자면 상성을 되살린 것이 아니라 또 다른 차원에서 새로운 연극 장르의 하나로 재창조했다는 표현이 옳을 것이다. 이점은 우리에게 있어서도 시사하는 점이 적지 않다고 할 수 있다. 중국의 상성과 유사한 것으로 여겨지는 우리의 만담과 재담의 형태는 한 때의 영화를 뒤로하고 이제는 그 종적조차 찾기 희미해졌기 때문이다. 우리 서민의 삶과 그 회한을 담아 즐거움을 익살맞게 전해주던 대중예술의 한 장르가 소리 없이 사라져버렸다는 사실이 안타까움을 지나 애통하기까지 하다. 우리의 문화의 전통의 하나인 만담, 재담을 찾고 창조적 작업을 통해 새로운 우리의 대중예술로 탄생했으면 하는 바람이다. 본 논문의 주제와 떨어지는 얘기긴 하지만 賴聲川에 의해 재창조된 상성은 생각보다도 훨씬 풍부한 예술적 경지를 담아내고 오늘날에도 경쟁력 있는 예술 장르로서의 가치를 입증했기 때문이다. 그리고 본 논문에서 분석한 것처럼 그의 작품에 대한 다양한 시각을 상성이라는 장르가 예술적 생명력과 기능을 충분히 갖추고 있다는 사실로 입증될 수 있다. 위 논문에서는 賴聲川의 작품이 대중적이면서도 예술적으로도 주제의식을 매우 효과적으로 다루고 있으며, 이는 대만사회에 대한 매우 탁월한 작가로서의 안목을 보여주고 있다는 점을 확인할 수 있었다. 상성이 언어의 욕망으로 빚어진 예술이라고 감히 말할 수 있는 것은 일반 대중과 서민들이 가장 먼저 그 소리에 반응하기 때문일 것이다. 위에 언급한 작품들이 그 당시의 시대적 상황과 그렇게 쉽게 적절히 포섭될 수 있다는 사실이 이를 반증하고 있기 때문이다. 그리고 그의 작품의 상성이라는 장르가 가지는 특성을 잘 응용하여 시대적 상황과 대중의 욕구를 매우 탄력적이면서도 게릴라적인 방법으로 담아내고 있다. 그런 점에서 그의 상성극은 대만사회의 주요한 상황을 반영한 사회민중극이 되기도 한다.