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        검색결과 6

        1.
        2007.09 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        2.
        2005.03 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        This paper proposes a new explanation of the well-known that-t effect, based on the assumption that the head-head relation is a matter of PF rather than of syntax. After critical review of some Minimalist approaches (Roussou 2002, Roberts and Roussou 2001, Pesetsky and Torrego 2001, 2002), a PF-based solution is proposed in terms of a generalization on the lexical realization of heads. In particular, this paper argues that the first head that is compatible with agreement must lexically host the Agr-feature of T on a phase basis. This solution turns out to be applicable to various data regarding the that-t effects across languages.
        3.
        2003.06 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        Kiyang Kwon. 2003. `That-t` Effects and the C-T Relation. Studies in Modern Grammar 32, 89-110. In this paper, we will consider the account of subject extraction out of `that`-clauses based on the split C strategy (Szczegielniak 1999) and the C-T Agree relation (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001) and point our their problems. According to Pesetsky and Torrego (2001), the C-T Agree relation is morphologically expressed in two ways: by merging `that` or merging the feature content of T (along with Agr) in C. However, we have assumed that if `do` in English is associated with a question, it is not independently attested as the realization of T but the realization of Q in c, serving as the interrogative morpheme. To obtain this argument, we have proposed the Q-feature of C as a property to determine the type of a clause. The Q-feature of C plays a role of distinguishing an interrogative C from a declarative C and can serve as a probe to seek the element with the interrogative morpheme, such as `-ni` in Korean.
        5.
        1998.08 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        Park Sang-Soo. 1998. A Diachronic Analysis to the That-t Effect. Studies in Modern Grammar 13, 1-24. In Old English period paet(=that)-t constructions were grammatical because bxt was originated from the demonstrative pronoun that had Agreement and Case features and accordingly the grammatical function of paet was the same as that of the neuter singular nominative demonstrative. As the inflections came to be leveled in Middle English period, paet/pat(=that) was reanalyzed as an indeclinable word and the grammaticality of a pat-t construction was also changed. In Modern English period tiat-t constructions are ungrammatical because that is recognized as a pure function word and it checks off [+F](=finiteness) operator feature of a tensed clause as a clause indicator and [-Q] feature of a declarative sentence as a mood indicator. This paper suggests that that be taken to be not a complementizer but a C-checking function word of [+F] and [-Q] features to account for the that-t effect as well as the adverb-effect in a principle way.
        6.
        1998.04 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        Dongseok Kim. 1998. Feature Checking in CP and the That-t Effect. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 12, 83-102. This paper briefly reviews the ECP and the minimalist theoretic accounts of the that-t effect, and proposes that the that-t effect together with the adverb effect can be adequately explained with the assumption that the [+Q]-feature of the subject wh-phrase is directly attracted by the strong [+Q]-feature of C(i.e. the complementary categorial feature of C) whereas the wh-phrase moves through the [SPEC, CP] of the embedded clauses, if any. In the analysis proposed in this paper, that; if, etc., which have been taken to be complementizers, are reanalyzed as C-checkers, and the that-t effect is captured by the Case checking mechanism in CP. Under the hypothesis that the subject wh-phrase moves from the vP-internal position to [SPEC, CP] for Case feature checking the that-t effect appears when the [-Q]-feature of C is checked by a C-checker with phonological features which do not permit T-to-C raising. The account on this track has the advantage, over the existing analyses, of reducing the chain formed by movement of a wh-subject to a uniform A´-chain, and taking complementizers to be null categories in conformity with the other functional categories such as T, v, etc.