In possessor agreement constructions in Korean, where a possessor and its possessum show case agreement, the possessum seems to resist extraction. Interestingly, such restriction disappears in elliptical contexts and right dislocation. This paper focuses on the issue, presence or absence of the restriction possessum movement shows. Cho (2007) suggests that the movement asymmetries observed in the possessor agreement construction are accounted for as a consequence of cyclic linearization requirement and shows that the contrast between elliptical context and non-elliptical contexts is correctly predicted under the cyclic linearization-based analysis. Following this analysis, I suggest that the contrast between leftward movement and right dislocation contexts is similar to the contrast between non-elliptical and elliptical contexts.

• Sungeun Cho(Yeungnam University)