This paper investigates the syntax of multiple wh’s in Korean, especially when such multiple wh’s are of reduplicative form. Particularly focusing on locality in deriving a pair-list interpretation in the construction at issue, we argue that the clause-boundedness restriction follows from quantifier raising (QR) and absorption that multiple wh’s undergo. At the same time, we examine how Dayal’s (1996) wh-triangle and Watanabe’s (1992) additional wh effects materialize in Korean multiple wh-constructions, providing a comparativesyntactic account for the issues at hand. Meantime, we also investigate the issue of how Pesetsky’s (1987) D-linking comes into play in the construction in question.

This paper provides a unified analysis for the three types of right displacement in English as the clause-final right-displaced element has in common the function of specifying/elaborating on what has been left referentially indeterminate or blank in the preceding clause. We take the surface make-up of the three constructions at issue to indicate that the right-displaced element has coordinate structure relation with the preceding 'propositional' constituent such as vP or TP. Based on this initial conception of the three constructions at issue, we make three points. First, we argue that these constructions involve clausal coordination and their surface forms are derived by eliding the second conjunct except for the base-generated/ leftward-moved element outside it. Second, we show that the economy of structure-building is at work in the formation of the two coordinate conjuncts in the constructions, accounting for the well-known Right Roof constraint or clause-boundedness condition. Third, we also demonstrate that the ban on P-stranding heavy NP shift of a certain argument element follows from the unavailability of an implicit argument to the relevant position of the first conjunct.