Five countries have made submissions for an extended continental shelf in the South China Sea (SCS) to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS), fuelling tensions and disputes with China. As the CLCS’ decision to consider and qualify these submissions may have a far-reaching impact on the settlement of territorial and maritime disputes in the region, comprehensive understanding and analysis of the CLCS’ strategies in managing “submissions involving land or maritime disputes” in practice is needed. China’s notes verbales contesting the submissions may not stop the CLCS from considering these submissions. Therefore, to ensure that its interests are respected, China should amend its notes verbales by: (1) identifying the ‘dispute’; (2) clarifying its status as party to the ‘dispute’; (3) expressing “not consent” and requesting the CLCS “not to consider or qualify” any of the submissions; and (4) clarifying the legal scope of waters in the SCS.

In a region fraught with tensions and conflicts, the South China Sea Arbitral Award Case (Case) concerned maritime conflicts between the Philippines and China, an inter-State, non-consensual, ex-parte arbitration under Annex VII of the UN Law of the Sea Convention (UNCLOS). The Case went against China. The Annex VII Tribunal decision of first and last instance, was final and without appeal. However, to the authors, the Case drew attention to the inherently unfair provisions of an exparte hearing under Annex VII that violates the principle of natural justice and casts uncertainty on the role and future of mandatory conciliation under the UNCLOS. These omissions are addressed here. Noting these omissions and limitations, to restore regional goodwill, ameliorate conflicts and tensions, and promote dispute settlement, a solution in mandatory conciliation is proposed -“A Partnership in Comity and Conciliation for the South China Sea”- with its provenance rooted in international law.

청대 袁永綸이 쓴 필기 『靖海氛記』는 18세기 말부터 19세기 초까지, 중국 남부 해상에 창궐하던 해적을 토벌한 기록이다. 중국의 역사 사료 중 『정해분기』 만큼 해적에 대한 다양한 내용을 담고 있는 문헌은 드물다. 안타깝게도 1830년에 초판이 출간 된 후, 중국에서는 유실되어 전하지 않다가, 2007년 대영도서관에서 판본이 발견되었다. 현재까지 『정해분기』에 대한 전면적인 연구는 상당히 부족한 편이다. 이에 본 논 문은 작가 원영륜과 『정해분기』의 판본, 영역본을 소개하고, 『정해분기』의 내용을 해적단의 형성과 세력 확장, 분열과 투항이라는 흐름에 따라 나누어 살펴본 후, 이를 기초로 그 특징과 의의를 분석하였다.

본 연구는 2019년 8월 한반도 주변해역(동해, 서해, 남해, 동중국해)에서 탄소 및 질소 안정동위원소 기법을 활용하여 하위영양 단계에서의 먹이망 구조를 파악하였다. 입자성 유기물(POM)의 δ13C 범위는 -26.18 ~ 20.61 ‰, δ15N 범위는 5.36 ~ 15.20 ‰의 넓은 범위를 보였다. POM과 각 생물별 개체군 사이의 δ13C 분별작용의 결과는 대부분 micro-POM을 섭식하는 것으로 확인하였으나 해역 간 차이를 보였 다. 각 생물별 영양단계는 chaetognaths (3.40±0.61)가 가장 높은 영양단계에 있음을 확인하였다. 동위원소 혼합모델을 적용한 결과에서 chaetognaths의 먹이원으로 copepods (13 ~ 48 %)와 euphausiids (20 ~ 51 %)가 가장 높은 기여도를 나타냈다. 본 연구결과 각 해역별 먹이원의 제한적 공급 및 다양성의 차이가 먹이망 구조 및 각 생물별 동위원소 비에 영향을 미친 것으로 판단된다.

The PCA’s decision refusing historic rights concerning the 9-DL cannot be enforced because the decision advantaging the Philippines has already been rejected by China. It, however, may be as a reference for some states to negotiate, since an optimistic atmosphere emerges among the disputing parties. The readiness for negotiation among them clearly requires that parties should not have rigid attitudes but should show flexibility based on the reciprocity principle. On one side, the PRC should set aside its typical intention to dominate most parts of the South China Sea as its traditional fishing ground based on historic rights concerning the 9-DL. On the other side, the Philippines should guarantee the regional stability and peace without questioning the real sovereignty of the PRC over several natural features, possibly related to the 9-DL claimed as its historic rights. The 9-DL is incompatible with the UNCLOS.

The Spratly Islands dispute is an ongoing territorial dispute between China, Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Brunei, concerning territorial sovereignty over the Spratly Islands. This conflicting territorial claim between these coastal parties is raising tensions in Asia, so the settlement of this dispute is of key importance for a peaceful atmosphere in the area. The dispute is also significant in respect of being an international geo-strategic, economic, political and legal matter. After a 1988 armed conflict between Vietnamese and Chinese forces, the claimants have looked for approaches to solve the conflict peacefully through different informal endeavors, but due to the complexity of the dispute there are a number of barriers to reaching a permanent settlement. This study puts forward some potential approaches for resolving the dispute, considering its complex nature, by evaluating the six parties’ competing claims and analyzing the legal soundness of their claims.

The status of maritime features is one of the core issues in the South China Sea Arbitration. The essence of this issue is territorial sovereignty and maritime delimitation disputes between China and the Philippines. Based on the interception of certain facts and evidence, the Tribunal did not interpret the China’s diplomatic position as it wanted, and it had an intensely subjective interpretation of Article 121(3) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Combined with the Chinese government’s positions before and after the publicity surrounding the Award, this paper, which takes the logical approaches of the Award as the main line, focuses on chapter 6 of the Award, raising questions about disputes on the status of maritime features, analyzing the treaty interpretations related to the status of maritime features, and clarifying the defections.

In the South China Sea Arbitration, the Chinese term-“li shi xing quan li” was mistranslated into “historic rights short of title,” regardless of the official English translation provided by Chinese government and preserved by international organizations. ‘quan li’ connotes a categorical meaning covering sovereignty and non-sovereignty rights, while “li shi xing” relates to claims and conduct historically before 1982. China’s “li shi xing quan li” in the SCS developed with the history of the general category of historic rights-an umbrella concept connoting both exclusive historic title and non-exclusive historic sovereign rights. It included China’s exclusive sovereignty over nansha qundao in the SCS and its non-exclusive sovereign rights in part of SCS. The Arbitral Tribunal’s negligence of the conceptual difference led to uncertainty in China’s maximum maritime entitlements in the SCS and reasonable doubt about its decision on the Philippines’ Submissions 1 and 2.

근래 남중국해는 중국과 필리핀, 베트남, 미국 등 주변 연안국과 기타 여러 관련 국가들의 이해관계가 첨예하게 대립되는 소위 ‘갈등의 바다’가 되었다. 2016년 7월 12일 국제상설중재재판소의 판결에도 불구하고 중국은 남중국해의 도서 영유권과 구단선(九段線)내의 해역에 대한 관할권 주장을 고수하면서 인 공섬과 군사기지 건설을 통하여 실효적 지배를 강화하고 있다. 미국은 남중국해에서 군함에 의한 ‘항행의 자유 작전’을 수행하면서 중국의 영유권 주장을 인정하지 않고 있으나, 중국은 지난 2017년 2월 현행 「해상교통 안전법」의 전면 개정을 시도하면서 남중국해 수역을 포함하여 과도한 해양관 할권 주장의 근거가 될 수 있는 또 하나의 국내적 법제를 마련하고 있다. 그렇지만 해상교통안전법 개정(안)에는 몇가지 외교적 분쟁을 야기할 수 있는 국제법적 쟁점사항을 내포하고 있다. 즉, 적용범위에서 규정하고 있는 중국이 관할하는 기타 수역이 구체적으로 어디인지 모호하고, 남중국해에서 영해의 범위도 불명확하다. 그리고 해양법협약의 무해통항권을 저해할 수 있는 조항이 일부 신설되었으며, 또한 추적권을 행사할 수 있는 위법행위의 내용이 모호하고 무리한 내용도 포함되어 있다. 이 논문은 이러한 현행법의 개정(안)과 해양법협약의 관련 조항들을 비교·분석하여 개정(안)에 포함된 국제법적 쟁점사항을 고찰하였다.

The Sino-Philippine Arbitration on the South China Sea Disputes was over on July 12, 2016, with a Merits Award in Philippine favor. Beijing rejected this arbitration and abstained from submitting written and oral arguments. Taiwan actively engaged in the debate with the Philippines since July 7, 2015. Not deemed as representative of China, Taiwan was considered capable of clarifying the meaning of the U-Shaped Line it first published in 1947 when seated in Nanjing, representing China then. The biggest maritime feature in the Spratly Islands, i.e. Taiping Island (Itu Aba), has been occupied by troops from mainland China since 1946 and then from Taiwan since 1956. The legal status of Taiping Island was the key to success of Philippine Submissions. The factual information from Taiwan became vital. This paper examines Taiwan’s role in this arbitration and the degree to which it could actually speak for China at such legal proceedings.

This note aims to explore the Taiwanese position before and after the Permanent Court of Arbitration Award regarding the South China Sea dispute. The findings suggest that the new Taiwanese Authority, led by Tsai Ing-Wen, has taken a slightly different approach toward the South China Sea, compared to Ma Ying-Jeou’s administration. The new Taiwanese Authority makes no comment on the eleven-dash line claim, which, in turn, implies that its approach is closer to that of the American orientation. It is suggested that the South China Sea Peace Initiative, proposed by Ma Ying- Jeou’s administration, should be followed by Tsai’s administration. In addition, the recognition of the 1992 Consensus by Tsai’s administration will encourage mainland China to consider Taiwan as one of the key players in future South China Sea negotiations.

Following its jurisdictional decision in October 2015, the arbitral tribunal constituted under Annex VII to the UNCLOS issued its final award on July 12, 2016 in the South China Sea Arbitration case. It found overwhelmingly in favor of the Philippines. This article comments on two of the flaws regarding the issue of jurisdiction arising from both preliminary and final awards of the case. It firstly calls into question the inconsistent standard adopted in identifying jurisdictional obstacles, and finds a projurisdictional bias in the Tribunal’s awards. It further analyses the fallacious approach of fragmenting the maritime delimitation disputes, and suggests the legal conundrum of status and entitlement of maritime features related to Sino-Philippine sea boundary delimitation should not constitute a separate dispute subject to legal proceedings. By purposefully downplaying jurisdictional obstacles and exercising powers on false disputes, the tribunal raises doubts to its legitimacy.

이 논문은 남중국해의 바위섬들에 관한 상설중재재판소가 내린 판결에서 남 중국해에 산재해 있는 암석들은 해양법 협약 제121조 제3항의 내용을 갖춘 주 민이 거주하며 독자적 경제생활을 유지시켜나갈 수 있는 지형적 능력을 가지지 못하고 있다고 판단한 것을 보고 독도가 이러한 섬으로서 요건을 갖추지 못하 고 있다는 점에서 향후 이에 대한 입장을 살펴본 것이다. 중재재판소는 이 조 항에 관한 해석기준으로 각 국가들이 일관성 있는 기준의 관행이 성립하지 아 니한 상태에서 향후 국가관행은 이 상설중재재판소의 기준에 따르는 새로운 추세가 나올 것으로 생각하고 있다. 이러한 판례의 입장에서 살펴보면 독도와 그 인접 바위섬은 독자적인 경제생활을 유지시켜나갈 수 있거나 인간이 거주할 수 있는 생활터전으로서 주거가 가능하다고 단정할 역사적 증거도 쉽지 않은 점은 솔직히 인정할 수밖에 없을 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 독도에 대한 기존 의 인식을 쉽게 바꾸기는 더욱더 어려운 실정임도 사실이다. 기존의 일관된 독 도에 대한 인식은 역사적으로 일관되게 우리나라의 울릉도 제도의 일부를 구성 하고 있고 역사적으로도 우리나라의 고유영토이며 국가권력의 행사로서 실효 적으로 지배하고 있는 우리영토에 속한다는 것이다. 이러한 기존의 입장을 고 수해 나가기 위해서는 독도가 해양법협약 제121조 제3항의 내용을 충족하도록 인간이 거주할 수 있는 암석 또는 독자적인 경제생활을 유지할 수 있는 바위섬 이라는 입증을 해 나가야 한다. 이 사건을 통해서 본 결론은 역사적 증거(historic evidence)로써 독도 지형에 서 농경이 가능하고 식량과 자연적 식수원이 있어 사람이 거주할 수 있다는 거 주시설이 갖추어졌을 때 독도를 기점으로 한 해양수역을 가질 수 있다는 방향 을 제시하고 있다고 생각한다.

Even though no international legal instrument explicitly provides the right for States to establish ADIZs, such zones have been unilaterally declared since the 1950s. China’s ADIZ above the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands - a disputed area in the East China Sea and her recent activities in disputed maritime features in the South China Sea have given rise to concerns about other ADIZs that Beijing may possibly establish above this area. In that context, this paper ventures to draw some potential ADIZs, which may be established by China above the South China Sea, and predicts diplomatic and legal reactions from other States.

Regarding warships, customary rules on innocent passage and freedom of navigation codified in the UNCLOS are far from being settled among State Parties. FONOPs impose the US understanding of rules on passage and navigation in each and every sea area, forcefully implementing deregulation in order for the US to create a navyfriendly environment for its worldwide mission. By implementing another agenda of carrying out the new US policy of “Pivot to Asia,” the FONOPs in the South China Sea challenge the very heart of China’s sovereignty, and may bring about adverse effect to the process of peaceful settlement of territorial issues and maritime disputes in the South China Sea region. China believes the US FONOPs in the South China Sea are offensive to its sovereignty. Moreover, their adverse effect to the process of peaceful settlement of territorial issues and maritime disputes in the South China Sea region cannot be ignored.

The USS Lassen’s October 2015 South China Sea freedom of navigation operation was exemplary in some respects and cautionary in others. This article argues the Lassen’s mission to sail within 12 nautical miles of one of China’s artificial islands was a successful albeit exploratory challenge because the operation has helped to clarify maritime claims in the region and garnered international support for continued operations. This paper examines the US Freedom of Navigation Program’s broader goals of benefiting the international community with a rules-based system. It also argues that increased transparency is essential if these goals are to be achieved. This article analyzes China’s unclarified claims in the South China Sea and explores the concept of “psycho-legal boundaries” in relation to the so-called nine-dash line. It concludes by presenting suggestions for plotting a proper path forward for FONOPs in the region with an emphasis on protecting the marine environment.

Building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is a new initiative for international cooperation. It will have a positive impact on the peaceful use of the South China Sea by encouraging a Code of Conduct to Parties in the South China Sea between China and ASEAN members; realizing a breakthrough of jointly developing oil and gas resources in the area; promoting comprehensive cooperation in maritime non-traditional security field; and providing a peaceful external environment for the South China Sea dispute settlement. The South China Sea dispute is a negative challenge to building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. However, the pace building should not be stopped because of it. In the future, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will be on the international consensus as an international legal regime. Also, it will improve the domestic legal system regarding building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road for China as well as the countries along the Belt and Road, especially the ASEAN members.