Ahn and Cho (2011) suggest that Caseless fragments are just CPs directly dominating nonsentential NPs. The analysis of Caseless fragments in Korean raises non-trivial problems in three phenomena: P-stranding, quantifier scope, and anaphoric binding. Merchant (2004) argues that fragments and their sentential correlates show parallelism with respect to P-stranding. Interestingly, in Korean, P-stranding is allowed in fragments unlike their sentential correlates. We suggest that the apparent P-stranding is a consequence of the existence of Caseless fragments. Regard- ing scope interaction, Caseless fragments yield only wide scope reading with respect to another scope bearing element. We suggest that it is related to the complex structure of quantifiers put forward in Ahn and Cho (2012b). Following this analysis, quantifier fragments are all analyzed in some sense as Case-marked fragments. Hence, argument quantifier and adjunct quanti- fier can display the same scope patterns. With respect to anaphoric binding, we note that Caseless fragments of anaphors show distribution different from their full sentential correlates in both subject and object positions, which may further support our analysis of Caseless fragments in Korean; namely, Caseless fragments are directly generated as XPs without full sentential structures.