This paper attempts to deal with a contrast in sloppy reading found in some VP-ellipsis contexts from English. This reading is available if another VP-ellipsis applied in the preceding environment; it is unavailable if not. The purpose of this paper is to account for this contrast by exploring an alternative way to previous approaches such as the proform analysis by Schwarz(2000) and the LF structure analysis by Tomioka(2008). Despite some merits of these analyses, they are shown to have some difficulties in resolving the VP-ellipsis gaps. I then propose a new analysis in which some positive elements factored out of the two existing analyses are reshaped and incorporated more adequately in terms of focus feature percolation and inheritance.

This paper newly discusses the anaphoric pro-clause construction from Korean in which the relative clause is replaced by the pro-form kulen, and attempts to account for its morphological and syntactic properties under the head-intial hypothesis for Korean. I propose that the copy of the raised relative clause is resumed as pro-form. I then argue that the head-initial approach offers simpler, superior derivations of various examples of this construction including right-dislocated ones than the head-final approach. In particular, the results of the discussions show why the head-final bi-clausal approach fails to deal with right-dislocation facts.

본 논문에서는 조각구와 우전위 요소들을 도출해 내는데 있어서 저자의 핵어선 분석이 기존의 다른 분석들보다 더 수월하다는 것을 다시 한 번 확인하였다. 특히 논문은 최근 Kim(2017)이 핵어말 구조을 가정하여 제시한 새로운 주장들을 검토해 보고 이들이 타당하지 않다는 것을 밝혔다. Kim의 주장이 주목을 받은 것은 관용 표현을 이용하여 새로운 주장을 내놓았기 때문이다. 즉 공백 우전위 구문에서 우전위 요소는 단일절로부터 이동에 의해 도출되나, 조각구는 제자리 생략에 의해 이동 없이 유도되며 무공백 우전위 구문의 우전위 요소도 이중절에서 제자리 생략에 의해 이동 없이 유도된다는 것이었다. 그러나 이러한 이잘적인 분석들을 더 들여다 본 결과 저자의 핵어선 단일절 분석이 Kim의 문제들을 직면하지 않고 또 논의하는 관용적 의미의 출현과 부재도 일관성 있게 그리고 더 용이하게 다룰 수 있다는 것을 보였다.

This paper proposes a new case-based approach to some facts observed in complement clauses in Korean. Its core lies in the following hierarchy: lexical/oblique case >> verbal case >> default case. This paper shows that among others, case conversion on the embedded subject in the ECM environment, i.e., from nominative to accusative, follows from the particular conception of nominative as the absence of case valuation advanced by Preminger and his co-workers (2014, 2015) according to which case is not contingent on agreement. This approach also deals with contrasts in ellipsis of complement clauses. In addition, this paper points out that a labeling system proposed by Cecchetto and Donati (2010) does not extend to Korean, and claimed that a moving element does not reproject a label.

This paper attempts to offer a plausible syntactic structure of the complement of the perception verb po- 'see' from Korean and English. The core of the proposals is that the perception verb complement is an incomplete clause, lower than TP and higher than vP, which is syntactically realized as an Event Phrase, and that this EventP contains a Voice Phrase. It is also suggested that the EventP involves an event operator, which is then controlled by the event argument assigned by the matrix perception verb, thereby accounting for the fact that the event time is simultaneous with the perception time. It will be shown that the current proposals can well account for various syntactic and semantic properties of the perception verb complements.

Further to Lee (2008) where Aspect is proposed to be located in VPlayers in Korean, this paper considers a wider range of data from the area of verb copying from Korean to consolidate the proposal. Parallel Chinese examples of the same verb copying construction are also considered to corroborate the current position. From a theoretical perspective, the results obtained surprisingly lead to the underlying head-initial structure in Korean as well. Thus Kaynean (1994) universal Spec-head-complement order hypothesis is supported, and head-parameter is rendered to fall out of the Universal Grammar, as recent Minimalist Program claims.