The great Chinese ancient novel, The Great Mansion, is a story of the daughters who were regarded as water and of the boy who was the guy regarded them as water. It is also a story implicated the pure beginning alike water of life and the clean ending alike snow of it. As a central concept in Chinese ancient literature, Water becomes an imago which represents the features of beauty and meanings of life.

This study recommends using children's literature in teacher training programs with the purpose of developing integrated language skills for primary school teachers and teaching methods for their students. First, to accomplish bifold objectives, the study develops three modules: 1) intensive listening through story books, 2) using in class dialogues through role-playing and 3) developing classroom activities. For presenting the examples of the three modules, Junie B., First Grader (at last!), Freckle Juice, and Jake Drake: Teacher's Pet are used. Next, the study presents teachers' perceptions on both using literature for improving their English skills and using literature in their teaching elementary school children. To investigate the possibility of implementing the program, the researcher surveyed 53 teachers participating in the program. The survey results showed teachers' perceptions on children's literature changed in positive ways, and they recognized that children's literature could develop their own English language skills and then would be a good teaching resource for their students. Based on the results, some suggestions were provided for the teachers, educators, and program developers.

This article attempts to excavate Korean literary works influenced by modern Chinese literature during the Japanese occupation of Korea, based on which it also analyzes the ways in which Korean writers and intellectuals received, perceived and transformed modern Chinese literature. Research findings in this article are to be summarized as follow. Firstly, writers such as Guangsoo Yi and Nanson Choi, who lived during the nascent period of modern Korean literature, approached China in the image of a looser and Japan in the image of an empire. Thus, they completely excluded Chinese literature from the world literature since the Japanese occupation of Korea. This was a dark side of modern Korean literature as a result of Korea’s marginality in the colonial age. Secondly, Baekhwa Yang is generally regarded a first writer that received modern Chinese literature; but most of his works and translations related to China were from Japan since he introduced them to Korea by translating Japanese. Consequently, the perspective that Yang applied in approaching Chinese literature was not his own but Japanese during the colonial age. Although Yang’s contribution to the translation of modern Chinese literature needs to be fairly appreciated, one may not arguably say that he was the first writer who received Chinese literature based on a proper understanding of the trajectory of China’s intellectual history. Thirdly, Dong-gog Yi and Myung Yang are the critics who for the first time accepted Chinese modern literature into Korea on their own perspective. This study has a considerable significance in excavating, introducing and analyzing the large amount of their works. Dong-gog Yi had deep interest in the value and spirit of the Chinese New Cultural Movement, and was the first critic in Korea who accepted the value and spirit of modern Chinese literature in its full measure. Myung Yang was pursued ceaselessly in what direction Korean should lead their lives under the rule of Japanese imperialism, and for the first time accepted and blended Chinese modern theory with Korean reality. This was consequential of their struggles to overcome the dual problem of particularity and universality that Korea confronted during the colonial period. Thus they approached Chinese culture and literature in terms of the world historical conjuncture of decolonization and yearnings for modernity. They did not follow the trajectory of the reception of modernity via Japan as many Korean intellectuals did but groped for a way to receive it via China.

With Spivak’s term “subaltern” the purpose of this paper is to present a relationship between post-colonialism and feminism in Irish literature, and to demonstrate the feminine images represented in modern Irish contemporary texts. The Irish literary society tends to regard the minority women as the inferior one in the process of de-colonization. But the feminie writing is try to overcome the established attitude in post-colonial literature. At this juncture, Heaney, rather than focusing on particular events from colonialism to post-colonialism, concentrates primarily on the receptivity, remembering subaltern’s life, history, territory, and tongue of native women. His writing is not from the post-colonial literary tradition but from the native receptivity toward the women's life and its reality. Finally, through the reception of the feminine writing with the appropriated de-colonial writing, we should address “the women” represented in post-colonial text as the subaltern subjectivity.

高行健一直追求技巧與形式的實驗, 而他的《靈山》就是這種實驗的一個大飛躍, 他在這作品中實現其技巧上的徹底實驗, 而且他還運用禪佛敎的思惟方法來實驗他自己的靈魂超越, 結果他能達到形式與內容的和諧. 此文專門進行考察《靈山》的諸般技巧上特徵是與禪佛敎的思惟方法有如何關係, 其結果是如下. 一, 他的所謂語言流的寫作實驗, 借助於佛敎的無住無相思惟方法, 而得到一定的哲學內容. 語言流與意識流寫作方法有點兒不一樣, 高行健的小說以完整美麗的文章著稱, 這在意識流小說里不能發現的. 二, 《靈山》採取了竝列結構, 此方法與慧能的三十六對法有異轍同軌的關係. 《靈山》里的各個回, 時間與空間, 人物與事件以竝列構造配置的. 因此全體小說里沒有一定的前後因果性, 但是就因爲如此小說的各個因子與全體結構保持着平等關係. 在這里我們發現慧能對法的影子. 三, 考察了《靈山》的空間配置, 結果我們發現了前後空間之間有相互否定的關係, 因此空間的變化或者移動成爲純粹偶然的事件, 因爲沒有目的地. 這種配置的效果可以用禪佛敎的卽非否定法來說明. 四, 考察了《靈山》的空間配置, 結果我們發現了作品里過去現在與未來的時間是不能分別的, 或者相互雜居, 或者顚倒配置, 或者干脆消除. 這可以用《華嚴經》相卽別成的時間觀來說明. 五, 人間的語言行爲包括說故事, 是不是專爲傳達思想感情或主題意識? 筆者在高行健的小說里發現純粹爲說故事而說故事的態度, 在這里再想, 我們吃飯, 我們睡覺, 到底其目的再哪里? 與其有一定目的, 寧可說其吃飯睡覺就是人間生活的手段與目的結合的狀態. 高行健《靈山》的特徵與禪佛敎的思惟方法有這樣密切的關係, 雖然如此他的小說絶對不是專門爲表揚佛敎而下筆的, 我相信他一接觸禪佛敎的思惟方法, 就領悟到自己的文學技巧實驗有這樣跟深底固的佛敎哲學, 有不期相見不約而同的同質性或類似性.

The present paper is intended to analyse the body-narratives in the contemporary Chinese literature under the viewpoint of subjectivist-body-esthetics. The basic ideas of subjectivist-body-esthetics are: man is body, body is subject, aesthetic activities is the praxis of the body-subject. From the viewpoint of subjectivist-body-esthetics, the main weakness of body narratives in the contemporary Chinese literature is that it merely presents the objectivity of body. In 1949-1976's, the grand revolutionary narratives defines the body as the tools which must servers for the ultimate goal of communism project. After 1976, the reforming and opening-up policy makes a Comparatively free atmosphere in which writers are allowed to show the beauty and desires of body. Some writers, such as Chang Xian Kiang, began to regard the body as the self-decisive subject. But the body narratives after 1990's does not develop this clues. From 1990's, Chinese body narratives differentiates itself into two trends: (1)highlights the spiritual subjectivity, insists that the body is only the impermanent house of the soul-subject; (2)reduces the body to the corporal being without head, displays the desire of the body unilaterally. Both of them deny the subjectivity of body and does't reveal the status ,meaning, dignity of body-subject. So, the authentic subjectivist-body- narratives is still unborn in China.

This study reviewed the lives of maids of honor, the members of the court who assisted the royal family during Korea’s feudal monarchy, through the definitive Joseon Dynasty court literatures Gyechukilgi, Inhyeonwanghujeon, and Hanjungnok. Maids of honor originate from Tianguan Zhouzai (Celestial Ministry with the Prime Minister) chapter of China’s Zhouli (Rites of the Zhou). And because Korea was a dynasty, it is believed that maids of honor were part of the court since founding of the state, despite the lack of concrete records supporting the assumption. However, a mural painting from a tomb that dates back to the Goguryeo era does confirm the presence of maids of honor during its time. Details of the maid of honor hierarchy have been discovered through Samguksagi Japji’s Shila volume and records from Goryeo’s age of Hyeongjong, but it was officially organized during Joseon Dynasty’s age of Taejong. The official title of maids of honor was the royal court lady, which means someone who assists the royal family. Maids of honor had to spend their entire lives within the enclosed walls of the royal palace, and this explains why they are also called Gungin, Naein, or Nain. In addition, maids of honor included apprentice maids without an official rank and waiting women to the court ladies whose job it was to handle odd jobs. Responsibilities of the maids of honor were divided into jimil, docheong, and cheoso. Aside from these responsibilities of the systemized maid of honor hierarchy, specific tasks were assigned to servants of the royal nurse and maids of honor and servants assigned to assist the management of the palace and the royal family and their chambers outside the royal palace. Having been chosen out of a group of servants that were officially part of the king’s assets or a group of servants assigned to the government, maids of honor were people of a humble status. However, when a maid of honor became an official court lady after fifteen years of servitude at the royal palace, she was assigned with a level 9 official rank and received the corresponding wage. Then, after ten or twenty more years, she became a level 5 sangung, managing many servants under her and enjoying a specialist position that worked in shifts. As such, maids of honor silently continued on the tradition as masters of their various fields and played a leading role in the cultural epitome that is the royal court culture.

中唐 시기 “시승”은 이미 시가 창작의 한 주체로서, 시가 창작에 대한 자각적 의식을 가지고 있었으며, 또한 자각적으로 자신의 시 세계를 추구해 나갔음을 알 수 있다. 시승의 시 세계는 또한 일반 문인 사대부들과는 다른, 시승 특유의 풍격을 형성하게 되었고, 이러한 시승의 시풍이 이미 사회적으로 보편화되고 인정받고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 이것이 中唐의 시승이 위진 남북조 시기의 승려시와 다른 점이며, 문학사에서 “시승” 집단의 출현을 中唐으로 보는 가장 중요하고 핵심적인 의미이다. 요컨대, “시승”이란 용어는 단순히 中唐 시기에 승려들 가운데 시에 능했던 승려들이 출현했다는 것을 말하는 것만이 아니다. 문학사적 시각에서 볼 때, 더욱 중요한 것은 그들의 출현과 그들의 시가 창작에 대한 자각과 추구, 그리고 시가 작품 자체가 사회적으로 인정을 받았다는 점이다. 그렇기 때문에 中唐의 “시승”은 개별적 현상에서 그치는 것이 아니라, 당대의 문화사나 문학사에서도 매우 독특하고 의미 있는 현상으로 자리 매김 되는 것이다.

중국인들이 음란한 음악의 대명사로 흔히 일컽는 鄭衛之聲이란, 바로 娛人을 주 목적으로 하는 女樂이 중심이 된 연회용 악무인 것 같다. 당시 악부에는 궁중연회에서 천자와 貴人들을 즐겁게 할 목적으로, 女樂 등의 鄭衛之聲을 채집·작사·작곡·연주·공연했던 것이다. 이런 현상은 궁중에서 뿐만 아니라, 귀족과 외척 집안에서도 마찬가지이다. 앞의 《한서·成帝紀》에 “종과 북을 설치하고 女樂을 갖추었다.”(設鐘鼓, 備女樂)라고 하고 있고, 《예악지》에 “천자와 女樂을 다투는데 이르렀다.”(至與人主爭女樂)라고 하고 있다. 女樂이 중심이 된 鄭衛之聲인 이 娛人의 연회용 樂舞라는 것은, 娛神이 근본 목적인 무속제의에서 신을 즐겁게 하기 위하여 淫樂한 巫舞를 추는데서 연원되어진 것이라 할 수 있다. 孔子가 내치고 중국 유가인들이 음란한 음악의 대명사로 여기는 이 鄭聲이란, 바로 이런 오락적 성격이 강한 음악을 뜻하다. 이로 보아 궁중에서 祭儀歌 뿐만 아니라 娛人用인 宴會詩도 크게 유행했음을 알 수 있다. 궁중도서 목록을 기록한《漢書ㆍ藝文志》詩賦略 歌詩에 저록된 여러 地方歌詩들은 실은 궁중연회에서 제왕과 貴人들을 즐겁게 만들기 위해 채집·작사·작곡·연주·공연된 지방음악인 것이다.

This study presents the food culture as analysis food material, food and cooking tools in the novel literature and examines the food as a code of current cluture of common social through five Pansori texts among the twelve Pansori texts into written form. It is a many Pansori, but this study is analysed to select early copying papers. It can be found rice, Kimchi, salted fish as the common people food in Simchong-ga text. It can be known characteristics of Jeolla-do Area food used many food material and acceptance of foreign crops in the late period of the Chosun in Chunhyang-ga text. In Hungbo-ga text, it can be found the popularity food is rice cake and meat and looked the special feature of dog meat, rice cake, scorched rice-tea. In Toebyol-ga text, it can be looked many sea food and medicine beverages, and in Chokpyok-ga text, it can be found peculiarity of drink for making excitement during a war. Moreover, in five Pansori texts, that is seemed characteristics such as cover of tableware, spoon and chopsticks, tableware china, a cauldron, a charcoal burner, a brass chafing dish, a table, a flail and a mill.