Rural markets, especially in countries like India hold strong potential as emerging markets. The aim of this paper is to identify and analyse factors acting as drivers for companies to enter and serve rural markets and also to identify interrelationships among them along with their driver and dependence power, with special reference to India. A total of 13 enablers were identified on the basis of focused group discussions and interviews with experts from academics and industry. An interpretative structural modelling (ISM) and fuzzy MICMAC analysis were used to identify levels of hierarchical relationship among the drivers. The findings show that government policies and regulations are some of the most important drivers in rural markets.
Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have always mattered in agriculture too. In day-to-day practices of agriculture and allied sectors, the farmers often share their information. Changing weather patterns, soil conditions, pests and diseases always throw challenges to small and marginal farmers. So, the farmer needs up-dated information to cope with and even benefit from these changes. In the developing countries like India, where agriculture still plays a crucial role (over 58% of the rural households depend on agriculture as their livelihood) and the rising population from 1027 million to 1419 million during 2001-16 (a total rise of 38 percent or 1.3 percent per year) pose a lot of pressure on land and other resources to meet the food security needs on one hand and to meet the challenges of globalization on the other. Understanding and addressing these challenges are very crucial, in which ICT can play a major role. With the booming mobile, wireless, and Internet industries, ICT has found a foothold even in poor marginal and smallholder farms and in their activities. The survey conducted among the 120 farmers in Srikakulam district in India revealed that, ICT has revolutionized the agriculture in the modern days. Production and marketing information is accessed by 91% of the sample farmers through mobile in 2015, where it was only 5% in 2005. The extent of use of mobile phones by the farmers varied with the decision to be taken by them like Harvesting, packing, and storing (94%), Selling Decision (91%), Seed purchase (89%), Application of fertilizers and pesticides (88%) and Land preparation and planting (84%), other package of practices (77%). The farmers further opined that, ‘Voice’ was the dominating source of communication (96%) compared to Short Message Service (SMS) (only 27%) and Internet access (10%), as majority are illiterate. The use of camera (71%), Bluetooth (33%), Radio (61%) TV (41%) are the other means of sharing the information. In this context of importance of ICTs in Indian agriculture, greater attention justifies about the applications of ICT’s to alleviate poverty and promote economic growth of the farming population.
In India, astronomy has been studied from the beginning of civilization. The word amateur means involvement in work for pleasure rather than as a profesion. So, amateur astronomers, in many places, prefer to be called non-professional astronomers. In India, the history of amateur astronomy is quite bright. From the Puranic age astronomy was studied for peoples' daily life. In Ramayana, Mahabharata, there is a lot of evidence of astronomical knowledge. Veda is the main source for studying the history of Indian astronomy. Today astronomy education, consciousness of astronomy education, sky observation, etc. are dependent on non-professional astronomers. Vigyan Prasar, an Indian Govt. organization, is trying to popularize astronomy throughout the country.
In modern Astronomy the vernal equinoctial (VE) point is taken as the starting point for measuring celestial longitudes. Due to the precession of equinoxes, the above point is receding back along the ecliptic. As a result, the longitudes of xed stars are increasing every year. In ancient India, the Hindu astronomers did not favour the idea of fixed stars changing their longitudes. In order to stabilize the zodiac, they had taken as the origin a point which is fixed on the ecliptic and as such is quite different from the VE point. This initial point being a fixed one, the longitude of stars measured from this origin remain invariable for all time. There was an epoch in the past when this initial point coincided with the VE point and thus the epoch may be called the zero-year. There is controversy over the determination of the zero-year. The reasons for the choice for the fixed zodiacal system by the Hindu astronomers as well as the epoch of zero-year have been found out on the basis of information available in various astronomical treatises of ancient India written in Sanskrit.
We have examined the antecedents of luxury consumption by conducting a thorough review of literature. Valid scale items for measuring psychological, personal, social, cultural antecedents of luxury consumption in India are proposed. Using Factor Analysis on a sample of 550 responses of the scale items, we have developed a valid questionnaire for Indian luxury consumers. The proposed questionnaire is relevant in context of the proposed model and luxury consumption in India. The proposed questionnaire achieves parsimony in terms of reducing the cardinality of the set of items from 141 to 55.
『인도로 가는 길』은 현대소설임에도 불구하고 기존의 연구에서 에피퍼니라는 서술기법의 측면에서는 조명된 적이 없으며, 에피퍼니는 그동안 단지 제임스 조이스의 전유물로 간주되어 왔다. 『인도로 가는 길』에서 가장 중요한 장면 중 하나인 동굴 장면에서 무어 부인은 동굴이 내는 메아리인 “부-움, 우-붐”이란 소리를 듣고 극단적인 회의주의에 빠지게 된다. “부-움, 우-붐”이라는 상징에 극단적 회의주의로 일관하는 무어 부인의 태도나, 이를 인간 간의 고립과 단절이라는 의미로 해석하는 기존의 비평이 모두, 상징의 간접성, 다의성, 그리고 모순성 내지는 이율 배반성을 간과하는 환원론적 태도는 아닌지 검토해 볼 필요가 있다. 이 논문은 『인도로 가는 길』에 나타난 “부-움, 우-붐”이라는 동굴의 메아리를 에피퍼니로 읽어냄으로써, 인도와 영국의 제국주의의 문제, 통합과 분리의 문제 등에 얽혀 있는 개체의 중요성의 문제가 에피퍼니를 통해 어떻게 드러나는지를 살펴보고자 한다.
본 연구는 양배추 종자의 수출확대 및 국제 경쟁력 확보를 위한 기반 정보를 제공하고자, 동남아시아 신흥 경제성장국인 인도, 인도네시아, 베트남의 양배추 주산단지별 재배작형, 주요 품종의 선호특성, 병해충 등을 조사 분석하였다.
인도는 세계에서 두번째로 큰 규모의 채소 생산국으로 양배추 종자 소요량은 50톤에 달한다. 주 재배지역은 Maharashtra, Nashik, West Bengal주 이며, 주요 품종은 “Kranti”, “Saint”, “Green Challenger”, “Summer Queen”이다. 수출용 우량품종 구비조건은 중소형으로 구무게가 800 ~ 1,000 g 내외이며, 배추좀나방과 같은 해충에 내충 및 내병성 품종이어야 한다.
인도네시아는 세계 4위의 인구 대국으로 콜라비와 양배추 재배 면적 및 생산량이 샬롯에 이어 2위를 차지하고 있다. 인도네시아에서 재배되는 양배추 타입은 편형계 한가지로 주 재배지역은 중부 자바, 동부 자바, 서부 자바, 북부 수마트라 지역이며, 주요 품종은 “Green Cornet”, “Green Nova”, “Grand 11” 이다.
베트남의 인구규모는 한국의 약 2배에 해당하며, 경제 성장률은 2011년 기준 5.8%로 신흥개도국 중 상위의 경제성장률을 보이는 국가이다. 양배추 재배면적은 14,200 ha, 종자 소요량은 4,260 kg이며, Hai duong을 포함한 북부 지역이 70%로 대부분을 차지하고 있다. 편형계 타입이 주력 타입으로 주요 품종들은 “New Star Cross”, “Grand KK”, “Green Helmet”이다.
This research was conducted to undertake the impact of advertisements on multiple social media platforms on consumer responses. The study also researches internet and social media consumption habits of consumers of different demographics. The results largely suggest that positive consumer responses in form of better brand engagement, loyalty and recall are associated with organizations that indulge in promoting their products and services on multiple social media.
This research was conducted in order to examine the socio-economic conditions and the problems of marketing of the PUGUR Hand embroidery of the Toda tribal women in the Nilgiris Hills towards marketing their embroider woven on garments, that being a famous unique work represented as a heritage art and has received the award of GI status (Geographical Indication) by the Government, on the Queen of the Hills, (Nilgiri Hills) Tamilnadu, South India. The results indicate that sample respondents being tribal women who live inside the forest area on the top elevation of the Nilgiri hills are illiterate and also suffer due to the family conditions. In India tribal area economic opportunities for women are scarce while hardships are plentiful and Indian women often see little hope for themselves or their children to improve their future. Since 70% of the affected people are women, it is women that have found a way to lift themselves and their families out of poverty. They were driven to make a decision of survival. I ndia is a nation where its women are both glorified as well as suppressed. The majority of women in the lower strata have to depend on a male member for financial support. Due to the practice of liquor addiction, smoking, drugs etc., women and families suffer. This is one of the main reasons for poverty in India and why children have been deprived of education and other basic necessities of life. If women could become financially self-sufficient, then families would get at least the basic benefits of food, clothes, medical attention, and nourishment, above all, children could go to school. This study focuses on the marketing problems faced by the Toda tribal women to support their family as men do not help them in their art work completely. A sample of 150 Toda tribal women embroiders was selected to study their marketing problems faced in every day to day of their life. For the purpose of the study the researcher has used convenience sampling, and Friedman test were done to find out their rankings of the various variables taken for the study.
본 사례는 현대자동차 인도법인(HMI)의 브랜드 포지셔닝 (brand positioning) 전략을 심층적으로 분석하고 있다. 이를 위해 먼저 전 세계 자동차시장의 추세와 함께 인도 자동차 시장의 현황과 전략적 중요성에 대해 검토하였다. 브랜드의 개념과 역할을 바탕으로, 브랜드 포지셔닝을 (1) 구체적 특성(Features: concrete attributes), (2) 추상적 특성(Abstract attributes), (3) 직접적 (기능적) 혜택(Direct: functional benefit), (4) 간접적(경험적/상징적) 혜택(Indirect: experiential/symbolic benefits), (5) 대리적 포지셔닝(Surrogate positioning)으로 구분하여, HMI가 어떠한 브랜드 포지셔닝 전략을 추구하고 있는지 살펴보았다. 분석결과, HMI는 주로 구체적 특성과 추상적 특성을 사용하는 것으로 나타났으며, 이러한 전략은 HMI가 주안점을 두고 있는 컴팩트와 미드급 세그먼트의 특징을 감안했을 때 적절한 것으로 판단된다. 소비자 만족도, 시장 점유율, 판매량 추세 등의 기업성과 지표를 감안했을 때도, 이러한 브랜드 포지셔닝 전략은 HMI의 글로벌 경쟁력에 공헌한 것으로 판단된다. 하지만 인도 자동차 시장의 향후 변화를 감안한 HMI의 브랜드 포지셔닝 전략에 대한 재검토 역시 필요한 것으로 판단된다.
The typical form of Indian Stupa, which is going to understood the gradual development and various forms at the Kushan-era Stupa. Buddhist art and architecture of the Kushan-era was influenced Gandharan Hellenistic culture of the foreign. And indigenous Indian cultures of mature was visually big change. The Kushan-era Stupa has been ten feature. First, a circular podium at typical form of the initial Stupa was constantly changed. Second, is the Stupa of the overlaps and increase podium. Third, the Stupa has been square podium. Forth, is down scale of Anda(Bokbal). Fifth, increases the Stupa and Railing smaller, and Change the position of the Torana(gateway). Sixth, changing the target of the faith, thereby a statue of Buddha has been added in the Stupa. Seventh, around the main Stupa and podium are made in a tabernacle. Eighth, the developed spokes structure was added to on the podium inside. Ninth, crosswise plan appears unlike general Stupa. This type has relevance with Tower Stupa. Tenth, the Votive Stupa was added to the temples and Apse type chaitya has been developed.
The Buddhist cave temple carved into the rock provides a large space for the ritual in general in which a structure of Stupa is built in the center of the space purely for religious worship empty of Sarira, and the temple is formed around this Stupa. Relief-Stupa of the cave temple indicates the similar shape that of Relief-religious worship of flat land temple. However, there appears a small difference in representation since the background of formation of the cave temple differs in that of flat land temple. Specially, Caitya Stupa of currently existing cave temples have been damaged to lose of their original shape only possible to be analyzed the stylistic development through Relief-Stupa from which the characteristic of Stupa could be understood. The early cave temple could be characterized with a balanced structure consists of upturn bowl, steeple stone with simple drum & Hamikawasnagae, in which it appears strongly the detail factor characteristics of drum & steeple of having system with Caitya Stupa. In the post cave temple, the subject of worship moved to statue of Buddha due to the influence of Gandhara, Mathura art which reduced the importance of Stupa. This illustrates in Relief-stupa as well the style change as well as changes in detail factor. The sculpture appeared at the limited location either the wall of Caitya shrine or pillar in vihara cave with stronger decorative meaning. Contrast to the Relief Stupa of early flat land temples or the cave temples mentioned above sculptured with symbolism, however, the post cave temple showed the relief structure based on the plan of flat plan.
Stupa in India divides into two: stupa in flatland temple with a character of tomb, and devotional stupa made for offering. The difference of such character is made by whether there is any Sari, and main center for worship is flatland stupa where Sari is settled. Stupa in flatland temple is targeted to that with Sari, whose character is applied into Relief-stupa. The characteristics of Relief-stupa can be divided into two: a relief with similar type of flatland stupa in the form, and a devotional relief in which drum and upper part of tower are developed. The Relief-stupa of flatland temple could be confirmed at tower gate of Sanchi tower, decoration of handrail, and the wall attached to Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda stupa. To the contrary, drum and upper wheel part in the Relief-stupa are developed in the votive stupa. Such characteristics had different features according to usage: The example of former is that there is an expression of landscape of stupa built at that time, and the example of latter is those which had similar type of stone cave temple or offering tower near stupa. Thus, the meaning is subject to the existing of Sari. Stupa building developed along with the development of Buddhist structural activity with the existing popular tradition. And its influence was expanded along with various cultures locally. And, the structure and tower reflected various types and thoughts. Stupa reflected its building site and method according to types, and was created in a new form by its usage.
The population of House sparrow (Passer domesticus), once a very common bird, has declined markedly in most parts of the world including India. Sparrows were distributed widely in the district Hoogly, West Bengal, India. However over the past few decades, they became not so common in this part of the wo rld. A study has been conductedto establish the database for their current population and to assess the possible causes of their decline at Bandel (22˚52'22"N/88˚22'53"E) placed beside the river Hoogly from September 2008 to May 2009. After prolonged searching, a relatively dense population of sparrow (total subject 270) was found in busy areas of railway station and a nearby market in Bandel. The behavior of these birds was studied extensively from early morning to late night. The noise level of the area varied from 35 to 95 dB with an average of 70.6 dB from 04:30 am-10:30 pm, IST. It was also observed that the sparrows took rest on the site of the tree where the illumination level was low (30-45 lux). Sparrows residing at the Bandel station are habituated with the loud noise, being undisturbed by passing trains. Thus, it can be concluded that in spite of heavy noise of trains, crowdy travelers, and lack of nest sites, they remain at the station because of availability of food in the nearby roadside market. Based on this observation, sound pollution and availability of food are not responsible for their decline.
Thirty years have passed since the first Korean missionary Youngja Kim had arrived in India in 1980. Korean missionaries have filled up the vacancy of Western missionaries after they had gone home. They have done excellent job particularly in the field of church planting where the Western missionaries found it hard. Unfortunately, however, Korean missionaries have worked tirelessly without having any chance to get feedback from Indian natives and churches. This article shows the present situation and some problems of Korean missions. Its aim is to evaluate Korean missions in India by the reflection on Indian culture and Indian critic of foreign missions carried out in India. Korean missionaries have worked mainly among so-called the scheduled caste people and the scheduled tribe, namely the lowest strata of Indian society. The religion of S. C. and the S. T. is Buddhism, Sikhism, Animism and Totemism unlike the mainline Hinduism. The Korean missionaries' work is mostly focused on church planting, along with teaching ministry in seminaries and schools, and social service. Indian Christians examined themselves and confessed that 90% of their evangelistic efforts are carried out among about 4% Christians of their country. They proposed that their focused missionary efforts should be made among the main line caste Hindus who have not heard the Gospel. Secondly, Indian Christian leaders like R. C. Das demanded that foreign financial assistance should be stopped right now unless western missionaries would ruin the native initiative and the spirit of self-reliance which is essential to the fulfillment of Indian evangelism. Thirdly, they suggested that church building is culturally irrelevant in India where spirituality is raised by parents and elders rather than by the appointed paid Christian workers. Based on these criticism, Korean missionaries have to shift the traditional paradigm of missions in India as following. First, Korean missionaries should strike a balance by focusing on missions among the higher caste Hindus or middle class people in cities. Second, Korean missionaries should stop the financial assistance to the Indian workers and churches, and rather plant the independent spirit and the gospel faith.
Measurements of atmospheric CO2 were made in the mountainous region of Srinagar-Garhwal, India (January to December 2006). Concentrations of CO2 averaged 393±4.9 ppm in 2006. Daily variations of CO2 values showed minimum during the daytime (376.2 ppm) and peaked in the morning/evening (410.1 ppm). At monthly intervals, the CO2 values varied from 367±11.14 (May) to 425.2±13.54 ppm (March). If divided on a seasonal basis, the values declined to minimum amounts in post-monsoon (389.9±9.0 ppm) and reached maximums during winter (397.1±11.6 ppm). Although phenology is significant in controlling CO2 levels, short-term changes cannot be explained without the anthropogenic perturbations (e.g., vehicular pollution and forest fires). The CO2 concentrations in Srinagar-Garhwal (393.4 ppm) were generally higher than those of other major monitoring locations around the world.
In the end of August 2008, atrocities against Christians of Khandamal district of Orissa state in India occurred by Hindu mobs driven by Bajrang Dal, the youth wing of Hindu World Council: 59 people were killed, 18,000 were injured and 159 churches were damaged, along with 4,400 houses. Apparently, this communal violence was erupted from the antipathy of Hindu nationalists towards conversion movement of Christian missionaries. Yet, inwardly, the poor Khands tribe felt jealous of rich Panas tribe after being converted to Christianity. The Bajrang Dal attempted to take advantage of such communal tension for the political purpose of taking seats in the upcoming 2009 general election. Communal violence happens dime a dozen in India. Yet, recently, the target of Hindu nationalists was directed to Christians in the tribal areas of Orissa rather than to Muslims, previously the major enemy of Hindus. The reason was the steep increase of Christians in this district due to missionary activities. The leaders of Hindu nationalists were in the grip of fear and vented their anger over this issue. According to the ideology of Hindutva(Hinduness), Indian nation has to be necessarily a Hindu nation and the Hindus alone are the true sons of the soil. Moreover, the non-Hindus are a menace, the polluted to be purged, if they would not be assimilated to Hindu way of life. The feature of nationalism of K. Hedgewar of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was cultural nationalism which elevated India to the goddess of motherland. From the perspective of Hindutva, the conversion of Hindus to non-Hindu religion is an anti-national activity, thus, they should put it down by all possible means. Likewise, the communal ideology of the Hindu nationalism is exclusive, chronical, and subjected to violence. In this regional context, Christian missionaries should respect Hindu gods and goddesses and understand their faith and Hindu nationalism rather than villify them. In order to avoid unnecessary clash, it is recommendable for Christians to involve in inter-personal evangelism and establishing house churches rather than in building churches and institutions. Missionaries should encourage the local Christians to be financially independent so that Christianity can be presented as a genuine spiritual religion. Urban middle class Hindus should be the target of missionaries, moving from the previous lower strata of Hindu society.