Cho Sik was a great scholar in Chosun Dynasty. He was a contemporary scholar with Lee Hwang. We can see some statements of Cho Sik in the books written by Lee Ie(Yoolgog). It is obvious that his thoughts affected many scholars later. In addition to this, he taught many disciples some of whom became public officials, and some became civil leaders in the War named Imjinwoeran(the invasion of the Japan, 1592). His administrative thoughts are revealed in the Letters to the King(Sangso) more clearly. And so the author analyzed the Letters and classified his administrative thoughts. The findings were like these. His administrative thoughts could be summed 4 suggestions : leadership, personnel administration, administrative ideologies(the administration for the people and Minbon/民本 thoughts), the listening of public opinion, and the timing and Hersil(虛實, formal/substantial) as criteria for policy-making. His administrative thoughts belong to the style of Moral-training - oriented mentioned in the paper. Generally speaking, we can see that Cho-Sik emphasizes most the Moral-training of the leader and the recruitment based on that. The administration for the people and Minbon thoughts also are the ideologies for the leader. The listening of the public opinion and the criteria for policy-making wholly rely on the will of the leader. It follows that we can see that he suggested Moral-training and will of leader for the solution of the bureaucratic problems, and he rarely discussed practical systemic and institutional reforms. This seems to reflect his absence of practical experience as a public service in bureaucratic system. Nevertheless, his thoughts affected many practitioners and scholars later. And so we need to study the relationships with them and effects on them more clearly.

This paper is a research on the thinking basis and aspect of adapting reality represented by Nan-myeong(南冥) and Gal-cheon(葛川). I found next tendencies in each of their thinking basis by looking into the gener of 'bu(賦)' written by them, provisionally. 1. Nam-myeong regarded a fundamental problem as important; Gal-cheon considered a practical use in reality as important. 2. Nam-myeong pursued internal perfection of morality ; Gal-cheon pursued external enlightenment of morality. 3. Nam-myeong made an effort to cultivate his mind through practicing the virtue of self-development ; 'jon-yang(存養)', 'seong-chal(省察)', 'geuk-gi(克己)' ; Gal-cheon wished to make 'the reign of peace(太平聖代)' entering to the world with his frugal virtue. 4. Nam-myeong placed more importance on 'su-gi(修己)' than 'chi-in(治人)' ; Gal-cheon placed more importance on 'chi-in(治人)' than 'su-gi(修己)'. And I deduced next characters in the aspect of the adaption in reality considering their 'memorial to the Throne(上疏文)'. About the time when 'eul-myo-sa-jik-so(乙卯辭職宵)' was offered by Nam-myeong in 1555, he criticized severely the tumultuous national situation, and suggested its essential relief measures to King Myeong-jong(明宗). On the other hand, at that time, Gal-cheon pursued 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way(安貧樂道)' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong(參奉)', and did not show any criticism for political or social condition in particular. When the government engaged both of them as a Nester at the throne changing era between Myeong-jong(明宗) and Seon-jo(宣祖) about 10 years later from 1555, Gal-cheon served in the government with 'hyeon-gam(縣監)' and 'mok-sa(牧使)'(names of county governor) responding to the recommendation, but Nam-myeong never entered into the official position after all. However, they cried for the reform of politic sphere each other. Nam-myeong pointed out the fundamental problems ＆ principles with memorial to the Throne demanding sovereign must practice 'the rule of virtue(王道)' showing his own initiative, but Gal-cheon emphasized the relief measure concerning public welfare indicating the realistic problems. In addition, the Nam-myeong and Gal-cheon's principles on official position showed different aspect. Nam-myeong was eager to the actualization of 'the rule of virtue' regarding himself as an executer for 'King Yao and Shun's Tao(堯舜之道)', and did not want to get the position by departing from his principle at not proper time. Thus, he made himself as a man of virtue keeping the dominant principle. Differ from Nam-myeong, however, Gal-cheon pursued the life of 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong' in 1555, and it was derived from his avoid-make-trouble tendency with peripheral environments. Although it was a fact, Gal-cheon never gave up the will of 'administrating the state to relieve the people's suffering(經世濟民)', so he entered into the official position consequently. This is the Gal-cheon's right view of 'haeng-youg-sa-jung「用行舍藏 : If recommended, practicing Tao with taking up position. And if discarded, possessing his own Tao lonelily」'.

The attitude of living in seclusion in East Asia culture has a different character from the Western one. Hermit's life in Western culture generally has a religious character to imitate Christ or Apostles, but the life in seclusion in East Asia is mostly due to social and economic reasons. Under this social and political background, a phenomenon where intellectuals-in-chief appear on a large scale who wants to live in seclusion turning their back on the world starting from 16th century in our history. The most typical people appeared in this phenomenon of 16th century are Nammyeong(南冥) Jo Sik(曺植) and Daegok(大谷) Sung Woon(成運) of all people. In case of Nammyeong and Daegok, peoples of considerable amount around or disciples following them have academic traditions and a strong nature to live in seclusion, this seems like one of the natural phenomena appearing from the initial step of conflict between Nammyeong and Deagok's ideas and study propensity and the orthodox soˇngnihak(性理學) and the following result from the actual and political ups and downs. Generally feeling the critical moment of the era itself and deal with it through Confucian disciplines and studies, those persons comparatively freely teated with fields that were regarded as a heretic by the orthodox philosophy as well as prepared their location. In result, in a standpoint of the orthodox philosophy, there were confusions in prescribing their character. However, those two people's seclusion (from the world) is sending out its color in the philosophy history of Chosuˇn because they chose hermit's life as a firm view of life from the beginning, apart from the most cases that seclusions were chosen without any choice due to a political knock-out. At the same time, its importance in philosophy history is very big in that their life aim as a hermit presents one of hermits' life aims which appear as 'a symbol of an intelligence out of power' on a large scale in our 16th century. From a historical point of view. there are two kinds of hermits. One is freedom-oriented hermits who wants to enjoy their life without any restrictions from anyone and the other one is an abstinent type of hermits selection the way of seclusion and disciplining themselves rigidly for the purpose of avoiding an extreme situation of political and social actuality. If we say Nammyeong is more approaching to abstinent type, Daegok would be close to the freedom-oriented type. After a while, this difference can be come out as a difference from their ordinary life attitude to scientific and ideal view of world or literary aesthetic sense. But the actual hermit type variously existing in the middle of these two extremes, compromising this freedom-oriented type and abstinent type. This is generally shown as a type pointing abstinence in material way and free seclusion life in spiritual way. In conclusion, Nammyeong and Daegok are the typical persons who showed hermit's life in the 16th century which appeared in earnest as an influential art of intellectuals' living. Not compromising the prevailing state of the society and the trend of that times, lived according to their belief and way with maintaining a strong spirit and belief, so they let a model of strongly independent character which are rare come into our spiritual history.

Due to a series of massacres of Confucian scholars including 'Muosahwa(戊年土禍)' until the early part of the 16th century. many scholars gave up entering on an official career and secluded themselves from the world. Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) also led humble lives in a remote village. They devoted themselves to studying and practicing sacred books including Daehak(大學) The Great Learning-, which is the basic book for the realization of politics based on the rule of right, to cultivate their mind in the way of 'Geogyeonggibui(居敬集義)' and 'Geogyeonggungkyeong(居敬窮義)'. They were recommended as Yuil-those who don't enter into government service, but they were not positive. It is not because they didn't have any intention of government position, but because they thought that their sovereign was not worth working with. Nammyeong(南冥) didn't enter on an official career all life, but Iljae(一齋) did that a while. Nammyeong(南冥) is more complete than Iljae(南冥). However both Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) taught junior scholars through reading and lecture, and they practiced 'Kyeongui'. They always worried about the life of the people and the matters of the nation. Such things are their common points. Especially all of them suggested and practiced 'Kyeon(敬)' as a key point of cultivation and a learning method. When they met the king and advised him on the main point of statecraft. they emphasized that he had to deat with everything through 'Kyeong(經)'-oriented method We can know how positively they practiced 'Neo Confucianism(性理學)' through this. Though Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) won great popularity due to their studies and reputation in the right of Kyeongsang province(慶尙石道) and the north of Honam area(湖南北部), they didn't seem to associate with each other except the fact that they studied together in Seoul, went Seoul through recommendation and exchanged their thought about studies and official career. However it seems that they knew each other well, worried about their future, and had lots of interest and affection. At that time, the dispute on 'Liqi theory(理氣論)' was in full swing, and Nammyeong(南冥), who was positive in practice, didn't state particular opinion. He reconfirmed Zhuzi's viewpoint and expressed his opinion. He had a tendency of 'Liqi monism(理氣一元論)'. This is similar to Iljae(一齋)'s 'Liqi's Unity(理氣體論)' based on Na, HeumSun(羅欽順)'s theory. Many scholars, who secluded themselves from the world, tried to be learned and have interest in 'The Doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學)'. 'Liqi's Unity(理氣一元論)' was inclined to 'Neo Confucianism(性理學)'. If we consider the social background, which attached greater importance to theoretical studies than to practice, their theory deserves our attention.

This thesis deals with comparing and observing 『Shim Kyoung』 which Donggo wrote to Nammyoung for a present as well as the books written by Nammyoung and Donggo, their growing background and learning, their positions as government officers, and 「Moojinbongsa」 and 「Byounginbongsa」, letters having written to show respect to the King There are more records about Nammyung in 『Donggoyugo』 than in 『Nammyoungjib』. However, I am aware of the fact that the two books have almost the same content in them. 「Nammyoungshimkyoungbal」 has exactly the same content as 『Donggoyugo』. According to the comparition of these two books, I found that Donggo had sent the medicine material, calenda, 『Shimkyoung』, and other things to Nammyoung. Then Nammyoung sent appreciation letters to Donggo. In 『Shimkyoung』, Donggo suggested to Nammyoung that he became a government officer, but Nammyoung was only interested in morality. Donggo sent his son to Deoksan to grieve Nammyoung's death. They had the different pedigrees. Nammyoung's forefathers, who live in Huubcheon, didn't have any big government ranks. However, Donggo's forefathers had high government ranks. In their backgrounds some things are the same and some things are different. The things that were different were that Nammyoung was born in a rural area and his father died when he was 6 years old, but Donggo was born in Seoul and his father died when he was 26 years old. The things they had in common were that they all struggled economically, their mothers were all very clever, and they were not the eldest sons in their families. As they had different pedigrees, in the end Nammyoung became a scholar and Donggo became responsible for the national property. When Nammyoung was studying, I suppose that he was taught about learning from his father. However, Donggo learned about it from Lee, Yeonkyoung and Mr. Thansoo. When they were staying in Hyubcheon and Sangju, I suppose that they went to Hwang, Hyoheon to study, Nammyoung didn't go to school but Donggo went to school. Nammyoung changed his career objectives due to failing the exam to be a government officer, but Donggo started the job as a government officer because he passed it. Nammyoung's highest rank in his life was only Hyunkam, but Donggo was Youngeujung. However, Nammyoung was appointed to a high position by the King. In 「Moojinbongsa」written by Nammyoung, he insisted on 'Respect', which is the important item of his consideration. It is the same that in 「Byounginbongsa」Donggo insisted on 'Harmony' which is an important item of his consideration. In 「Moojinbongsa」, he made clear the troubles of the government officers and suggested to the King that he treat all the problems of the government very strictly. In 「Byounginbongsa」, Donggo insisted harmony and advised that they have to prepare the following King through logic which to choose the talented men. I am aware that both of them did their best with their position at that time. When Doggo was 33 years old, he presented 『Shimkyoung』to Nammyoung. When Donggo gave that. I supposed that he transmitted Nammyoung 'Su-ki-chi-in'(to control themselves by learning) of the important spirit of Confucianism. Nammyoung decided to himself that he would try to study harder when he received the book. Both of them had lived differently but they always cared for their people. The fact Donggo gave a present, 『Shimkyoung』 to Nammyoung. After much consideration, study and hearing from our country's political leaders, I have become aware that there is now more study and consideration being given to our country.

To speak most broadly about the two representative Neo-Confucians of the mid-sixteenth century Choson, Toegye(Yi Hwang, 1501-1570) focused on the theories of nature and principle and self-cultivation, whereas Nammyung(Cho Shik, 1501-1572) focused on those of self-cultivation and righteousness. One may explain such difference by their opposite personalities: the one had a mild temper with sympathy and tolerance, while the other a strong temper with strictness and critical power. Basically, however, these two had a common ground in the system of Neo-Confucianism(Tohak), and their difference occurred in the course of searching for a more rational and efficient way of achieving the same goal. Therefore, the difference is significant in that it presented the complementary models of Neo-Confucian learning as could be realized in that period, and that it diversified, thereby, the mode of understanding and responding to the times as well as the method of learning. So in comparing Toegye and Nammyung's traditions of learning, I aim at drawing attention to the diversifying and complementary meaning of the difference rather than to the contradictory and rivalrous meaning of it. The difference between Toegye and Nammyung in their traditions of learning can be summarized in three points. Firstly, by carrying the question fo attentiveness(jing) through his methodology of learning, Toegye established a tradition centering around the self-cultivation theory. Nammyung, in his part, emphasized the coherence of attentiveness and righteousness(yi) and thereby established a tradition which, though based on the self-cultivation theory, took the righteousness theory seriously to confirm the standard of value necessary for the social practices of self-cultivation. Secondly, Toegye's program proceeds from intellectual activities of deliberation and distinction to self-cultivation, whereas Nammyung's starts from self-cultivation and ends at the social practice of the rule of right(wang-dao). Thirdly, it was a progressive way of reformation aiming at preparing the foundation for the peaceful future that Toegye endeavored to educate the young intellectuals with an intense focus on the self-cultivation theory. On the other hand, it was a radical way toleration no injustice that Nammyung demanded the government a drastic reformation criticizing its contradictory operations directly. Such points of difference provide us the background for understanding the facts that Toegye, having resigned from his official position, exerted himself on learning and self-cultivation and that Nammyung, though never acception an official position, kept raising social issues in a vigorous and strong voice. Different academic traditions of Toegye and Nammyung were closely connected with different attitudes toward the social realities of the times: endeavoring at self-cultivation vs. trying to save the world; providing education for the future vs. trying to realize the ideals in the present. Although the mild and moderate attitude and the strong and radical one are contrary, neither of them are subject to judgement of right and wrong. Rather, both are necessary, for well-balanced solutions can derived only from the harmony and compromise between the two most typical ways of response. By providing the universal truths to their times, the traditions of Toegye and Nammyung could establish themselves as the two main axes of the Neo-Confucian tradition of Choson and exercise extensive influence throughout the late Choson Choson dynasty. Their wisdom needs be re-appreciated as one of the most fundamental insights in our times: the wisdom of understanding the essence of the human hature, devising methods of cultivating human virtues, and seeing that the social order is possible only when founded on the human morality and managing a society only when those in ruling position are moral.

Most studies on Nammyeong Jo Sik's literary works have been focused mainly on the discussion about his poems and aesthetic sense on which his literature was based. Moreover, researches on his prose unlike that on poetry have made little progress, especially with no studies on epitaphs, which are considered important among his prose in classical Chinese. This thesis is to examine Nammyeong Jo Sik's style of writing and the underlying aesthetic sense, focusing on his epitaphs, which most researchers have had little interest in so far. When he wrote epitaph, Nammyeong Jo Sik put great emphasis on frank narration among other things, which is to describe the truth about the dead person in question. Besides, he stressed two points; first, to know the dead concerned very well and to frankly describe the fact about the dead person without flattering attitude, under any circumstances. We can prove that he applied these rules to the writing of epitaph. Above all, it is clear in the fact that among about 22 epitaphs, most of them were for his own father, relatives, close friends and relatives of his pupils whose family history and specific situations he himself knew very well. Secondly, as shown explicitly from the epitaph for his deceased father, he faithfully followed his own rule not to flatter a dead person by exaggerating or making an excuse. In addition to the rule of truth, he exalted epitaph to the high place of literary works not only by narrating the fact frankly, but also freely expressing his own feelings. At this point, it is worth mentioning the episode concerning the epitaph he wrote for the late father of Guam(龜巖) Yi Jeong(李楨), who was one of major scholars living in Yeongnam(嶺南) province and Nammyeong Jo Sik kept in contact with. As Guam Yi Jeong sent the epitaph to T'oegye(退溪) Yi Hwang(李滉), asking for correction, this led to an indirect argument between T'ogye Yi Hwang and Nammyeong Jo Sik. Exceptionally T'oegye Yi Hwang corrected a lot the epitaph written by Nammyeong Jo Sik, severely criticizing the form and content of the epitaph. Naturally, Nammyeong Jo Sik did not accept the criticism of T'oegye Yi Hwang, because they were much different in a philosophical inclination and view of study as well as literary taste and style. Consequently, they both showed great opposition to each other's style and aesthetic sense concerning the epitaph beyond compromise. Nammyeong Jo Sik thought that he was not so much literarily successful, but he himself was the successor of 'ancient prose'(古文) tradition, while he criticized T'oegye Yi Hwang's style naming it 'popular prose'(今文) despite his success in the world. On the other hand, T'oegye Yi Hwang criticized Nammyeong Jo Sik's epitaph for his consistently changing rule, mentioning that there are certain rules of epitaph narration, which are the fixed rule and changing rule. Form this controversy between the two persons concerning epitaph writing, we can understand to some extent the thought of men of noble family in the early Chosen dynasty period concerning epitaph as an important form of prose in classical Chinese.

Nammyung(南冥) Cho Sik(曺植 : 1501∼1572), one of the most practical Confucian scholars in Chosun dynasty, was known to the general pubilc as a poet who loved Chirisan(智異山). Appreciating hi1ls and waters around beautiful Chirisan, he never regarded Chirisan as a simple target of elegant pursuit. While wandering around hills and waters, he did not wirte poems full of only taste and elegance. On the contrary. his pursuit on the reflection of life, the origin of life and contentment with poverty and delight in the Way was well expressed in his poems. The meanings of hills and waters that he described can be classified into four categories. First, he and natural scenery became as one body and show an enterprising spirit. Nammyung loved Doorusan(頭流山) and the grandeur of waterway in it and he expresses a valiant spirt using the magnificence of Chirisan. Second, Nammyung did not see hills and waters as only the target of appreciation but he saw the meaning of hills and waters as mirrors that reflect his feelings and society. Not only the beauty of hills and waters he searched his soul through them and turned natural scenery into reflection and self-examination that take people in adversity into account. Third. Nammyung shows his uneasy situation as a wander between conflict of his present situation and longing for hills and waters. Though he was always attracted by hills and waters, he never took himself away from the reality. Here comes discrepancy and conflict. Due to his emphasis on safety and honor, he aspired after nature and harbored himself. He, however, cared about how people lived and tried to take care of them according to Confucian teachings. Fourth, he was expressed as a poet who peacefully wandered aroud and devoted himself into the world of purity and no concern. Though Nammyung lived in poverty. what he pursued was to seek after truth without any public criticism. Hills and waters became pure and ideal space to realize such a life. The hills and waters of Chirisan which laid open to Nammyung was the space where he wanted to live and he materialized his desire in his poems.

Gansong is a great scholar in Choson dynasty middleages. He was born in Haman county Kyungsang province depend in Nammyung school. However, He was educaded by three scholars belong to Tygae school from young age. Because his learning and personality was influenced from them strongly. especially from Yuheon. But he cannot help belonging to Nammyung school, for many Nammyung's disciple have resided in his hometown Haman and his wife's hometown moreover Nammyung's hometown Samga. Besides his father-in-law Nopa was the disciple of Nammyung's disciple Junginhong and he had be the chairman of Yongyam memorial hause. Though Gansong became a member of Nammyung school, he never has seceded from Tygae school. He has always play active part as both a member of Nammyung school and a member of Tygae school. Consequently his association span was very wide, and he made the best use of these circumstances. He has strained every nerve to mediate two schools. He was well-balanced scholar, so he has supported neither Nammyung school nor Tygac school. He adopted the good points of two schools and developed himself, became new own personality. Therefore he never have abtained a post in the government keeping his integrity. Though he has lived at seclusion, he has never forgotten nation and people. This point was influenced by Nammyung school. He has wirtten many prosees and poets, this point was influenced by Tygae school. His successors have regarded him as a member of Tygae school in order to uplit him. But this is not true. It is clear that he is both a member of Nammyung school and a member of Tygae school. His poet is very excellent, so deserves minutely study. If so, we can grasp him more crosely.

The culmination of the culture in the Josun Dynasty was reached in the academic achievement of Sik Jo (pen name, Nammyung : 1501 - 1572). His work marked a moral boundary in academia at that time. When we consider his great fame, it was natural many scholars and his followers make him their scholastic and behavioral model. These followers formed the Nammyung School and they took active parts in politics in and out of government service until King Sunjo and Gwanghaegoon. But the execution of Inhong Jung (pen name, Rae-Am : 1536-1623), leader of the Nammyung School and mentor of Gwanghaegoon, served as a momentum for decentralizing the school at the time of The Enthronement of King Injo subsequent to dethronement of King Gwanghasgoon in 1623. Hongdo Ha (pen name, Gyumjae) then acted on behalf of the school when the school had lost its cohesion. The year 1728 witnessed the Moosin Year Disturbance led by Heeryang Jung, which was one of the loud cries raised by confucian scholars to regain the positions they had held before the Enthronement of King Injo. Moreover the Noron Party. the group of followers of Siyul Soug and also the party in power, forced the Namin Party, another party in this area, to support it, while it prohibited the Namins from taking any state examinations by law after the Moosin Year Disturbance had been subdued. The Noron Party designed to attract the Namin Party to their side by disturbing its cooperation with the Soron Party, the followers of Jung Yoon, a disciple of Siyul Song's. With the Noron Party's intricately planned policies and efforts, most pepole in the Namin Party in this area became part of the Toegye School in the end. This paved the way for combining the right side and the left side of the Nakdong River as a natural result. There were few eminent scholars or government officials in high positions from the right side of the Nakdong River. In the meantime many scholars had come to stand by either the Noron Party or the Toegye Schoo. But the majority of Confucian scholars' respect for Nammyung had not faded away and his books were still being published. King Jungjo finally granted Nammyung a Royal Oration for the Sacrificial Rite in 1796 and conferred government positions on his descendants after over a century of persecution. The royal edict triggered the revival of the scholastic trend in this area and built a promising foundation for thriving academic achievement in the 19th ecntury.

1. Jo-Sik was a great Confucain scholar of the Lee Dynasty in 16th century. He didn't enter government service for all his life but devoted himself to his studies out of office. Although the king appointed him to provincial governor several times he refused to be an official. 2. He wrote about 200 poems. This paper aims to appreciate his poems as romanticism. He wrote poems in the base of a strong discontent with social phenomena of those days but he didn't describe the evil practices realistically. He only attempt to rise above the discontented reality. He was an idealist rather than a realist, which led him to write Romantic poems. 3. He loved the Mt. Jiri more than any other man. Mt. Jiri was described in his poems as a huge pillar supporting heaven. he had a desire to take after the Mt. Jiri. Mt. Jiri. was the objective correlative with his Romantic ideal.

The article aims to compare the thought and practice between Nammyeong Jo Sik(1501-1572), the Confucian scholar of the mid Choso˘n period and Yamazaki Ansai(1618-1682), the Confucian scholar of the early Tokugawa Japan. Most of the comparative studies are conducted to highlight the differences between the cases compared. People, for example, will expect from the comparative study of Nammyeong and Ansai's thoughts to see the differences of reception and development of the Neo-Confucian thought in Choso˘n and Tokugawa Japan. This article, however, focuses on the commonalities and similarities shared by the two Neo-Confucians who lived in the totally different political systems and backgrounds. Both of them concentrated not on how to philosophize their own thinking but on ways to actualize the truths revealed by their antecedents. Their lives, therefore, were consistent in practising the truths discovered by the sages. Their concrete methods of practice were Jing(敬) and Yi(義). The two thinkers actualized their beliefs: Nammyeong as Chushi(處士) in times of the massacre of literati in mid Choso˘n period, and Yamazaki Ansai as Binshi(賓帥) in the barrack state, a counry unfamiliar with Neo-Confucianism. They shared the common dreams of being the Wangshi(王帥) and truly corresponded to Chu Hsi(朱熹)'s idea of the citizen of the cosmopolitan world.

Though the philosophy of Jo Sik was based on 朱子學, making little of the frame of particular sects, he adopted any doctrines useful for his moral self-cultivation. Such an attitude appeared in his practical method of self-cultivation and he tried various methods using many tools such as bells, swords, pictures and leather belts. These miscellaneous characters are found in his work 學記類編. This book does not seem edited with a clear plan outwardly and it seems very difficult to abstract the system of his consistent theories from it. Such miscellaneous characters had a very important meaning in the process of his self-cultivation. It is 敬 that was placed in the center of the method of his self-cultivation. Investing into the parts of this book in which 敬 is treated, we can find the importance of 敬 in his thought and the variety of the concrete methods of practicing 敬. Many works of Sung dynasty and Yu˙˙an dynasty were quoted in this book and any works of Ming dynasty were not. But examining words and phrases quoted in this book one by one, we can find that many of them were

本稿は南冥曺植の鄕里である嘉縣の板峴洞と南冥の「遊頭流錄」の末尾に出てくる獐項洞及び龍遊洞の位置についての近來の主張を批判的に檢討し，それを考證しようとするものである． 南冥一家の先瑩のある下板里の枝洞を板峴洞とする主張がうらが，當時の板峴洞は特に枝洞を指すというよりは，むしろ今日下板里とよ ばれる地域をあまねく稱したものである．松齋曺繼明は南冥の弟である桓の嫡孫であり，嫡子のなかった南冥は還曆を過ぎてから智異山の德山洞へ移り住もうとした時，承重卽ち祖先の祭祀を奉る責任とそれにまつわる先代の財産を桓に讓ったのであるが，その孫の松齋は壬辰 倭亂の時武功を立てて桓の後孫の中でもっと秀でた人物の一人である．彼は馬藏山の麓に住んだといわれるが，馬藏山は今日の下板村の向こう側にある小谷の終わりに位置する野山である．松齋は南冥の卒する四年前に生まれたので， 彼が幼年の頃馬藏山の麓に住んだとすれば，板峴洞の中心は今の下板村であったと見るべきである 下板村を除いて枝洞を含めた下板理の他の村はみな道路沿いに形成されている．從って， 我　はこれらの村がみな新しい道路の開設とともにできたのであり，完來の板峴洞はその上の方に上板村ができるにしたがって下板村とよばれるようになり，その故にもと板峴洞の中心であった村の名前にちなんでこの一帶がすべて下板里と名稱が變わるようになった，と推定することができる 龍遊洞は智理山のいろんな谷の中でも南冥がしばしば尋ねた所の一つであるが，これについては『晉陽誌』山川條に田頭西， 靑巖山にあると記されている．靑巖山は「大東輿地圖」に見えるが，それは今日の河東郡靑岩面と山淸郡矢川面との境をなしている主山あたりを指すものである． 田頭理とは今の河東郡橫川面の北側にある田垈理がその名前に由來するもので，『晉陽誌』が書かれた光海君ㆍ仁祖の頃にはこのあたりを含めた今日の靑岩面全體が田頭里と五臺里に屬していたようである．『晉陽誌』各里條の說明によれば田頭里は五臺里の南に位置し，五臺里よりその嶺域がはるかに狹かったことがわかる． 龍遊洞は田頭里の西にあるそうだが，問題は 「大東輿地圖」にみえる靑巖山がかえって五大里の北側に屬することである．この點については河受一の『松亭集』に收錄された「遊靑巖西岳記」を見るに，靑巖山とはある特定の山を指すのでなく，靑岩面の範圍に入る山全體に對する通稱であることがわかる．實はその中でも西岳， 卽ち七星峰の稜線がもっとも高く險しいので，その故に『晉陽誌』ではこれを靑巖山と呼んでいたのである．從って龍遊洞は大體靑巖山の麓であり田頭里の西側にあたる現在の明湖里ないしはその北側の坪村里ㆍ中梨里あたりの橫川江一帶を指するのといえる 獐項洞は『晉陽誌』の中のいろんな記述がら見て今日の大源寺溪谷にあり，その溪谷の途中，上流庵の下側より塔洞までにいたる長い谷を指すことがわかる．ここでいう塔洞とは山淸郡三壯面坪村里に今も殘る三壯寺址三層石塔に由來する地名であり，上流庵は今の大源寺あたりにあった寺刹である．だとすれば，當時一般的にいわれた獐項洞とは大源寺の下の方から塔洞にいたる峽谷地帶を意味するのであるが，河松亭は般石のある大源寺の上の方までを南冥の遊んだ獐項洞だと說明しており，溪谷の長さが三十餘里という場合の獐項洞はもっと廣く今日の大源寺溪谷全體を地稱したものである