This paper examines Fernand Khnopff’s Symbolism, focusing on the I Lock My Door upon Myself as a manifesto of his artistic credo in style and theme. Its title was originally in English, originating from the poem “Who Shall Deliver Me?” by Dante Gabriel Rossetti’s sister Christina Rossetti. I use the term “Social Symbolism” which combines a nationalist perspective with traditional French Symbolism, in order to explain how the image of Bruges is represented in his oeuvre. Symbolism calls for psychological introspection evoking death, love, silence, and solitude and recluse from realty in pursuit of the Unknown and the Ideal. Although Khnopff shared this idea, he departed from symbolist tradition by incorporating a political milieu in his paintings. First, I discuss Khnopff’s early stage in the formation of his artistic concept, including his family background as well as his early opportunity to visit the Exposition Universelle in Paris where he formed his early interests in aesthetics, philosophy, literature, mythology and Egyptian art. His early works, La Painture, la Musique, la Poesie(1880-1881), Le Crise(1881), and En ecoutant Schuman(1883) reveal his favorite subjects which were quite prevalent in the symbolist traditions of both Belgium and France. By looking at Khnopff’s paintings, I endeavor to situate his Symbolism in the context of the development of Belgian modernity and cultural nationalism. Second, my analysis of Khnopff creates a new overview of Symbolism in Europe, especially in Belgium. In the absence of socio-political integration, the Symbolist painter adds nostalgic meaning to the landscape of Bruges. The scene of Bruges illuminates the social atmosphere in Belgium at that time. Since Belgium became an independent country, it tried to differentiate its own cultural and national identity from France. There was a powerful social movement for Belgium to claim its own identity, language, and culture. Bruges was, for Symbolists, the epitome of Belgium’s past glory. This encouraged the formation of Belgian nationalism centering on Brussels, as I demonstrate in Khnopff’s Bruges-la-Morte(1892). The relationship between Symbolist artist and writers is crucial for understanding this development. Khnopff, for instance, illustrated or provided frontispieces for many Symbolist writers such as Rodenbach, Peladan, Spencer and Le Roy. Khnopff did not objectify the exact meaning, but rather provided his own subjective interpretation. In this respect, I Lock My Door, inspired by Rossetti, started from the same motif, but Khnopff seeked escape into silence and death while Rossetti searched for Christian salvation. Finally my paper deals with the social context in which Khnopff worked. He was a founding member of Les XX in 1883 and later La Libre Esthethetique he also participated in the exhibition of le Salon de la Rose + Croix. Les XX was not a particular school of art and did not have a uniform manifesto, but its exhibitions focused on decorative arts by encompassing art for all people via common, everyday objects. The Periodical, L’art moderne was founded to support this ideal by Edmond Picard and Maux. Les XX declared art as independent art, detached from all official connections. Khnopff designed the 1890 catalogue cover of Les XX and the 1891 cover. These designs show decorative element of Art Nouveau in an early example of “modern poster.” Les XX pursued all art including graphic arts, prints, placard, posters and book illustrations and design. These forms of art were l’art social and this movement was formed by the social atmosphere in Belgium in terms of social reforms and strikes by working class. Khnopff designed the book cover for la Maison du Peuple. The artist, however, did not share the ideal egalitarianism of the working class to a certain degree, while he was working in his villa he designed under the ideal motto, “on n’a pas que,” he expressed the nihilistic emotions toward society by the theme of interiority such as solitude, silence, narcissism, introspection, and introversion. In the middle of his Symbolism, we find the “cultural nostalgia” or longing that the artist develops in the I Lock My Door upon Myself. Khnopff’s longing toward the lost city of “Bruges” form the crux of his “Social Symbolism.”

Despite the controversy over Yeat’s political position, it is manifest that he was a nationalist who passionately loved his homeland, Ireland. But the nationalism he has pursued was different from those of other nationalists of his time. This thesis explores Yeats’ special nature of nationalism of that is reflected in his various works. Yeats’ nationalist philosophy is formed on the basis of his view of cyclic history which is well embodied in A Vision. Unlike the historical view of the Western world, as a whole Yeats does not presuppose any specific teleological beginning or end. For Yeats, death and revival are always repeated anew in regular spans of time: the universe repeats genesis and extinction and every life repeats metempsychosis. He attacks the project of modernity as a teleological fiction, : that is, as a myth occupying the spirit of the time, and as a mere “gigantic story.” There is no possibility for a tradition to definitely overcome another waning it completely, and thus history is far from being teleological. Yeats has tried to serve his homeland through poetry and drama, making use of their popularity for heightening people’s perception of the reality of the time and his artistic achievement. But the upcoming middle class, arising as a new political power in Ireland, couldn't understand his intention. But, having witnessed in the Easter Rising in 1916 that the spirit of the nation still survives, he came to conceive a new hope for his homeland. About the heroic deeds done by the patriots killed in that event, he regretted for the bloody violences happened there and enthrallment for their deeds of “terrible beauty” at the same time. Yeats sees that Ireland needs to find its own characteristic culture and identity in order to achieve independence from the hands of England. Guarding against pursuing exclusively what is Irish, he also wants to acknowledge the diversity of culture lying inside the boundaries of Ireland. Stressing that various different cultures are conflicting with one another outwardly, are reciprocal rather than exclusive actually, he seeks the way of hybrid nationalism.

One of the most important characteristic features of Yeats’s book of poems involves the fact that the poet intended his entire volumes of his poems to function as a single, unified work of art. In other words, the meaning of an individual poem in any Yeats’s book of poems cannot be fully appreciated without considering its relationship with the poems placed right next to it. Talking about one individual poem alone in a volume is like interpreting one chapter of a novel without linking its meaning to the next chapters. For this reason, understanding Yeats’s poems requires looking into a relationship between the poems and the principle of arranging the entire poems in a book of poems. In this paper, what I am trying to achieve is to answer the following three questions. First, what is a governing principle of ordering poems in Yeats's second book of poems, The Rose (1983)? Second, how such a structure or an arrangement helps to convey the thematic concern of The Rose effectively? Lastly, how Yeats develops himself as a poet after publishing his first book of Poems Crossways (1889). When we compare the method of ordering The Rose poems with that of Crossways, we see that Yeats slowly matures as a poet as he ages. Crossways consists of two groups of poems each with a religious and political context, respectively. In the first group, Yeats places poems dealing with balancing the conflicting forces of action and stasis, the ideal and the real, and imagination and actuality. The second group includes poems balancing private and public, past and present, and Catholic and Protestant, high and low classes, and unionists and nationalists. Yeats's ultimate message: just as we need a reconciliation of opposing religious elements, so we should achieve a harmony of different political groups. The Rose, on the other hand, reminds us of a kind of well-structured drama with the prologue poem working as the first act of a play. The first poem holds the key to the arrangement of 23 poems in The Rose. In other words, each line of “The Rose upon the Rood of Time” foretells how the entire 23 poems will be placed and foregrounds the main message of the book of poems. The first poem talks about a reconciliation of opposing forces and this message is repeated throughout the book by dealing with the idea of balancing two antinomian ideas. In addition, the time of each poem moves in-between the present and the past and eventually advances into the future, as is foreshadowed in the preface poem. The presence of the poet can also be felt throughout the book of poems. In The Rose, we meet a poet who keeps emphasizing the importance of maintaining a balance between mysticism and realism, reconciling his joy of love and pain of his failure, and announcing his love of Ireland or his nationalist ideals. Through The Rose, Yeats repeats the importance of balancing religion, people, and love. Although the second book of poems contains different poems and structural pattern compared with the first book of poems, his basic message remains the same: mysticism should be reconciled with realism and nationalism.

The paper searches and analyzes the image of Iseult Gonne in some of Yeats's poems. It is not difficult to locate Iseut's images in most of the poems that contain her image, except the poem, "Long-legged Fly." In this poem the young girl at puberty practicing a tinker shuffle picked up on a street is said to be Maud Gonne, as definitely noted by Jeffares. But this paper claims that she is Iseult Gonne on the basis of Yeats's recording what he has witnessed, the young girl barefoot dancing and singing, thinking that nobody is looking at the edge of the water and sand at Normandy. And one of the important poems that immortalizes Iseult is "To a Child Dancing in the Wind," singing what's permanent in the present Iseult, against the passing of life and time. This concern deeply permeates most of Yeats's Iseult poems, as one of them being "Two Years Later" and another is a poem, "Why Should Not Old Men Be Mad?" (written in 1936, three years before he died in 1939) in which the poet calls Iseult's husband a dunce, because Yeats loves and pities Iseult so much. To Yeats and in his poems, Iseult Gonne symbolizes eternal beauty or something that should remain for good. Not only that, but also the most beautiful and strongest of Iseult Gonne poems is "Owen Aherne and his Dancers" written immediately after Yeats's marriage to Georgie, with two sections, once the first being called "The Lover Speaks" and the second "The Heart Replies." As the image of dance indicates, it is about Iseult Gonne, with Yeats in disguise. It signals a new beginning for Yeats in relation to his poetry and to his life-long love Iseult.

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue andmoreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula hadto survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through thecolonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic ofsurvival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn’trecognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation.Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand,as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifyingthe argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went withthe change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word‘nation’whichappeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning‘a group ofpeople’, was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of‘single-race nation with five thousand years’history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. ‘The Charter of NationalEducation’and‘The Pledge of Allegiance’were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideologyand dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for‘settling Korean democracy’professednationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with‘self-reliance’put North Korea intothe state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming‘nation’outwardly, but inreality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a bodywith two faces. This made‘nation’in Korea mysterious and objective through work suchas. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers’and picture of national records’inSouth Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical‘single-race’and made‘ghost’being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can findpedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art-via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There’s nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. Itcame out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of nationalliberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating SouthKorea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was activein 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originatedfrom military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju,spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the‘Nation-People(Minjoong)’s Art Movement could come out under thissocial condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. Onone hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it fromnationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-racenation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can causedual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it’seffective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. Inparticular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front ofnationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism takingthe world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after thedissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plansuperior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

Rev. Kil Sŏn-chu was amongst the first generation of indigenous Protestant Christian leaders. In 1897 he was converted to Christianity at the age of 29 and served as a lay Christian leader while he took a course of study intended for native local preachers. In 1907 he was ordained as a pastor and began preaching in the Changdaehyŏn Church, the central church in P’yŏngyang. In Korea, until recently he is known as the evangelistic pastor who stuck to saving soul and was indifferent to the national issues like Korean independence and cultural changes. In this paper I try to show that Kil Sŏn-chu was not only a devout evangelistic pastor but also was concerned with issues related to Korean independence and cultural changes. This study is divided into the five sections. Following the introduction, the second section gives a historical overview of Korean society at the time in which Kil Sŏn-chu lived, and offers his vitae. The third section deals with the ways that he was conscious of the Korean nation and expressed his willingness to devote himself to the Korean nation in his political and cultural activities. The fourth section traces the motives behind the development of eschatological worldview or faith by Kil Sŏn-chu and thereby explains the way his patriotic concern with the Korean nation was reflected in his eschatological faith. In Kil Sŏn-chu’s life there are shown three different aspects inthree subsequent periods. The first period is from his conversion to Christianity to before his decision to save his soul. He identified the Korean nation as people bound together by a shared history and state. He was engaged in political activities for Korean independence. The second period is from the decision to save his soul to before he was in prison. He was interested in the cultural elementsof the Korean nation. He considered culture as the means for the Korean nation to survive or exist further in this world. The third period is from his release from prison to his death. In his Eschatology, he developed his own concept of eschatology and propagated the gospel of Jesus’ coming being followed by the millennial and eternal world.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between W.B. Yeats's obsession with mysticism and his nationalism in his early years (1885-1895). My basic argument is that he knocked at the door of mysticism to find a metaphysical symbol with which he could unify politically, religiously, and culturally divided Ireland. In fact, Yeat's turn to mysticism in his early years attracts many scholars's attentions. But a reading of many studies on this topic leads us to believe that Yeats studied mysticism for other purposes. Elizabeth Cullingford and Richard Ellmann argue that Yeats's preoccupation with mysticism was his antipathy to materialism which was prevalent due to the Industrial Revolution. Seamus Dean explains Yeats's interest in mystical and occult traditions as his efforts to establish an Irish cultural identity. Denis Donoghue maintains that Yeats wanted to separate Irishness from Englishness by dedicating himself to the study of mysticism. In addition to these purposes, I believe, one of Yeats's political agenda was to unify various cultural, religious, and political forces of Ireland before the turn of the century. Yeats firmly believed that the identity of the Irish should be based upon intellectual life and spiritual principles which could solve and transcend the cultual, religious, and political discords of Ireland. The spiritual creeds Yeats was looking for should be founded on the common Irish spirit which could appeal to the Irish whether they were Anglo or Gaelic, Protestants or Catholics, or Unionists or Separatists. In other words, spiritual principles should not be confined to one church. In this sense, Yeats’s choice of Indian thought and occultism is suitable because they have universal appeal. Yeats believed that Indian thought would provide Ireland with the common spiritual tradition which predated both Catholicism and Protestantism. Furthermore, the religious concepts of pantheism and mysticism were the very ideas Yeats needed to bring the conflicting religious and political parties into perfect harmony and balance. Namely, Yeats tried to find a metaphysical model for the unity of Catholics and Protestants through the mystical union.

As a contemporary Northern Irish, Anne Devlin questions the traumatic experience and memory in personal and national histories of Northern Ireland. The Troubles-ridden landscape of Northern Ireland turns into a dramatic site in which Anne Devlin’s heroines negotiate their quests for voice and visibility. In her first play, Ourselves Alone (1985), Devlin foregrounds the experiences of women who are excluded from the public and secluded within their domestic realm. Three young women, Frieda, Josie and Donna, struggle against the isolation and the violence that permeate their daily lives. What is common to these three women is that their lives are constructed, controlled, and represented by the men around them. Their personal identities are constantly wiped out by the communal identities. Whether they are career women, political activists, or housewives, there is always a boundary that limits their sphere of action. Furthermore, the idea of home becomes a metaphor for their nation. Far from being a domestic haven, their homes are constantly disrupted by external violence in war-torn Belfast and their homes turn into an experimental site where men’s national ideology is tried and approved. Here, the male patriarch or father figure comes armed with a specific political and national stance and the home becomes a microcosm of the nation. Women are expected to live up to a national ideal in which their primary function is to reproduce the members of the collectives while their home is under constant patriarchal surveillance. This essay focuses on questions of home, gender and nation and asks how the seemingly most private sphere of home has come to be intersected with the public sphere of the nation and, also, how women’s roles are imagined and perpetuated within the frame of national ideology.

There are two contradictory voices in W. B. Yeats concerning Irish nationalism. One is for support of Irish nationalism against the English colonial reign and its accompanying heroic sacrifices for the cause of Ireland. The other one is criticism against excessive demands for sacrifices for the sake of independence of Ireland. Instead of putting the first voice ahead of the second one, Yeats tries to record the two voices at the same time: the voice of justification of sacrifices for nationalism and the voice warning danger in nationalism as a commentary on nationalism. These ambivalent attitudes toward nationalism cannot be understood just as his uncertainties and ambivalent stance he took on Irish politics and his lack of understanding of reality. Rather, Yeats could be said as a faithful recorder of the inner territories of experiences of individuals in everyday life and reality under colonial reign and its countermovement of nationalism. He does not ignore the intimate and latent feelings of individuals (on the side of "body") heard through the loud exclamations of nationalistic causes (on the side of "spirit"). Yeats can be said as a postcolonial poet in so far as he supports Irish nationalism but with a hint of anti-nationalistic attitudes, he also raises questions about danger in postcolonial politics. He cannot be called just a crude propagandist of Irish nationalism. Rather by taking balanced attitudes toward nationalism and excessive sacrifices of individuals through nationalistic causes, Yeats suggests that nationalism could be an ideology and gives a warning sign that postcolonial politics should not forget its dark side.

Some critics have argued that William Butler Yeats and Irish Literary Revivalist defend nationalism in symbolic compensation in the form of mythologizing for the loss and trauma which result from the long history of the British colonial rule. Their focus has been the Celtic mythology and that of Mother Ireland. Other critics present their counter-argument by designating James Joyce as the precursor of the counter-movement which manifests the resistance against Yeatsian mythologizing among the exiled poets such as Beckett, Flann O’Brien, and Thomas MacGeevy, including Joyce. Establishing such polarity in the approaches to modern and contemporary Irish poetry in this way will produce a problematic logic which causes a secondary binary opposition between extreme nationalism and abstract cosmopolitanism. In attempts to avoid a futile reconciliation of the two arguments, one needs to redefine or deconstruct the master or grand narratives concerning myth, nation, and nationalism. Also, one might feel it necessary to provide a persuasive discussion of the interrelationship between myth and nationalism. Recent theorists such as Benedict Anderson, Lia Greenfield, Homi Bhabham, and Eric Hobsbawm have provided persuasive theories about nationalism and beyond-nationalism. Critics such as Tom Garvin, Desmond Fennell, Marianne Elliott, Roy Foster, Seamus Deane, Declan Kiberd, and Luke Gibbons have investigated the potential methodology to overcome the logic of binary opposition concerning Irish nationalism from the self-reflective perspective. The common ground of these critics and theorists is based upon the definition of nationalism in terms of what Benedict Anderson calls “imagined community” which is based upon the discursive anchors such as narrative, myth, and symbol. Irish national myth offers one of the most typical case study for this “imagined construction.” Using Richard Kearney’s term “post-nationalism,” the objective of this paper is to present a perspective of post-nationalism, and to demonstrate the polyphonic voices of modern and contemporary Irish poets, starting from Yeats and Joyce who have been approved among critics as the poets of the two mainstreams in 20th-century Irish poetry to those post-Yeatsian/Joycean poets such as Patrick Kavanagh, Austin Clarke, Thomas Kinsella, Seamus Heaney, and Derek Mahon, to name a few. My anchors of discussion are mythologizing, demythologizing, and remythologizing.

In my article titled “Nationalism of William B. Yeats and Seamus Heaney in their early poetry: mythic nationalism and realistic national consciousness” which was published in The Journal of English Language & Literature Vol. 45 No. 3, I analyzed three among four factors of nationalism (implicated) in the two poets’ early poetry, that is, ethnicity, language, territory. This article deals with one remaining factor of nationalism, religion, in their middle poetry. Religion is so powerful an influence in Ireland that Irish nationalism can be considered Irish Catholic Nationalism. The political, religious, and economic conflicts between Anglo-Irish Protestants and Catholic Irish made Ireland divided into Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland, after Ireland was liberated from British imperialism in 1922. The native Irish who had lost even their mother tongue, Gaelic during the colonial period of almost 800 years ruled by the British Empire sought their national identity in Catholicism and made the religious oppression of Britain their centripetal force. To Yeats, religion was not a dogmatic faith of institutionalized religion but a field in which his imagination of the supernatural is allowed full play to go beyond the ephemeral real world to the eternal spiritual world. He set the Irish religious identity on Irish countrymen’s native faith in faerie, ghost, eternity of soul, and the world of magic expressed in Irish legends, folklore, myths, and oral traditions. He satisfied his hunger for the ultimate truth of universe with the Irish ancient faith in the mystical world of the everlasting soul and the visionary as well as various kinds of mysticism in the East and the West. The mystical religious identity of the native Irish emphasized by him anticipated the continuous collisions among him, the Catholic pulpit and Irish nationalists. His romantic belief in a heroic spiritual Ireland materialized his Irish Literary Movement and his idealized Anglo-Irish Ascendancy culture was far from the political nationalism of the middle class of Ireland, the political class of the people democracy. Seamus Heaney has also suffered from the conflict between his cultural․ political ideals which are fundamentally Ireland-centered and the political reality of the violent IRA (Irish Republican Army) which kills even civilians at random for the cause of nationalism. To Heaney the religious faith was a recognition of the deep value of the religious ritual and the Catholic ritual has been internalized in his feminine poetic sensibility of patience, humility, duty, discipline, guiltiness, grace, wonder, and the ritual supplication. The Irish religious identity he put an emphasis on was not the visionary mystic one of Yeats but the real one which has been internalized in the minds of the native Catholic Irish as “self-afflicting compulsions” and spiritual paralysis, especially in terms of political martyrdom complex in IRA and historical defeatism of Catholic priests in Northern Ireland. Both Heaney and Yeats opposed violence of nationalism and sought their ideal one. Religion has had a devastating influence on the two tribal struggle in Ireland so that the two poets refused the established Christianity and tried to enhance Irish republican nationalism to the genuine nationalism allowing the peaceful co-existence of the two races living in Ireland. Heaney demythodized Yeats’s myth of the political martyrdom and denied the religious halo of Irish nationalism as well as the mythodized force in the history of the Northern Europe. His quest of democratic co-existence of plural culture in Ulster seems realistic and idealistic solution of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

Around 1900, Yeats dreamed and put into practice the national theatre that could lead the crowds into a unified nation. And the theatre he imagined was essentially an occult one in which audience’s minds flow into each other and become one Great Mind professed in the doctrines of ‘Magic’ (1901). After the performances of Synge’s In the Shadow of the Glen (1903) and Padriac Column’s The Saxon Shillin’ (1903), Arthur Griffith attacked Yeats for not serving the nationalist’s cause. The ensuing debates around “the national art versus nationalist propaganda” infuriated Yeats, throwing down his hope for the middle and lower-middle classes. The attack and riots that lasted for a week after the performances of Synge’s Playboy of the Western World (1907), and after that the Hugh Lane controversy, deepened his anger towards them. So some poems that is included in from The Green Helmet and Other Poems (1910) and Responsibilities (1914) are full of the crowds, who pull down the high aristocratic values, laying them as “one common level.” As Yeats’s hope for the crowds vanished, his early theatre project that wanted mass mobilization into a nation changed into the unpopular theatre and an audience like a secret society. He began his work with the Irish theatre by theorizing that a popular nationalist theatre would be an occult one, but by 1915 he desired a theatre as occult precisely because it was not popular. The major difference between the two was the scale on which they operated, namely the nation versus the aristocratic drawing room.

Being of mixed blood and living as artists in a society of colonial cultures, Yeats and Walcott developed almost the same kind of poetics. Their major poetics centered on individual struggle to reconcile the disparities of human existence - past and present, individual and society, nationalism and colonialism. For them, particularly poetry is a means to redeem the inarticulate and unformed society into which they were born, creating the self in the process of writing about the problems of national identity. In this essay, I tried to shed light on the poetics of nationalism in Yeats and Walcott through their poetic self - Yeats’s Mask and Walcott’s Crusoe. Yeats’s Mask is a way of attempting to restore the lost unity between artifice and sincerity, art and nature, an example of the wholeness he sought to achieve, and a means of combatting the erosion of exterior fate. His doctrine of the Mask offered him a technique by which he could strengthen his own personality and shape his art. Seeking to be what he was not, Yeats disciplined himself and his art to form. As the expression of a great life it urges a man on to remake himself in order to be worthy of it. And this was what Yeats intended his art to do. Walcott’s Crusoe may be Yeats’s Mask as an alter ego which is the pure truth of self. He is also Proteus, a mythological figure who can change him into various shapes. Through his poetic self Crusoe, Walcott tried to answer his own questioning. The questioning can be about himself, and himself surrounded in the disjointedness of the world. Through this self-questioning, his poetic vision draws the figure it based on the poetic mediation. In a word, Yeats and Walcott not only enlarged their poetic horizon, but deepened their insight into national identity by creating their poetic self.

After the publication of his book, The Wanderings of Oisin and the Other Poems in 1899 Yeats was keenly interested in the non-English cultures of the British Isles. It was known as the Celtic Twilight. In 1898 he published a volume of essays called “The Celtic Twilight” containing a number of folk stories. In 1891 he founded the Irish Literary Society and worked on a three-volume edition of the poetry of Blake, which was published in 1893. Because of this involvement he pursued the study of symbolism, which is so important for his poetry. The evidence of this is to be found in his two volumes of the decade, The Rose(1893) and The Wind Among the Reeds(1899), with their many uses of the rose and other symbols. Lady Gregory encouraged Yeats’s interest in folk-lores, visiting with him the homes of her tenants and listening to their stories. She also encouraged him to work for the theatre, which led him to the founding of the Irish National Theatre Society in 1902. In this way Yeats attempted to solve the two problems that were central to him as a public poet: the general problem of symbols in literature in an age lacking a common tradition and the particular problems presented by the confusions of the Irish situation. He was impelled to find a way of putting Ireland into some mental order, so that cultural symbols of dependable significance would be at the disposal of the artist. In this context I read the two poems, “To the Rose Upon the Rood of Time” and “The Song of Wandering Aengus” as the manifestations of the Celtic, symbolic tradition of the Irish elite and the tradition of the Irish people respectively. But in the 1890s and the early 1900s, for all his identification with the Gaelic ethos, a wistful hope remained for leadership from a regenerated landlord class. The Ireland that Yeats envisaged was a nation with a distinctive cultural and spiritual identity, and he imagined a community free of sectarian differences and conflicts. That vision was not as revolutionary as some critics have supposed, and it hardly outlasted the 1890s. A century later, however, we find an unusual amount of interest in his early writings.

Ireland, under British colonial rule, had radically developed independence movement since the middle of the 19th century and had gone through confusion and turmoils. Irish conflict was caused by the racial, religious and class struggle, which divided the people into each different ideological party. Irish predicament had begun with the union with England, and in the colonial situation Ireland had to go through the transitonal stage into modernity. From the late 19th century to the middle of the 20th century Yeats's poetic career evolved and Ireland was in need of making its own subjectivity under the double difficulty caused by the colonial and transitional circumstances. Yeats's poems were written in the troubled context. When he is considered as a nationalist poet, historical context has been taken as a reflective background. But considering that Yeats's poems recontextualize history, which is the source of his poetry, his poems must be interpreted in the historical context. The nationalist movement which Yeats pursued both in poetry and politics can be identified as a cultural discourse. The ideology of Yeats's cultural nationalism represents the Irish historical context and functions as revealing Irish problems. In this essay, I try to examine Yeats's cultural nationalism as a cultural discourse with the applicaton of new historicist and cultural materialist methods which intend the recovery of historicity and the resisting function of discourse.

이 논문은 T. S. 엘리엇의 시와 에세이 분석을 통해 그의 글이 담고 있는 반민족주의적 사상을 그가 꿈꾸던 유럽의 문화적 통합과 관련하여 연구한다. 이를 통해 그의 반민족주의는 일종의 확장된 민족주의이며, 그의 이러한 범민족주의는 민족주의의 원초적인 관점과 도구적 관점에 기반하였음을 밝힌다. 엘리엇은 제1차 세계 대전 후 유럽 국가들 간의 전쟁을 강하게 반대했고, 유럽은 평화를 위해 연합해야 한다고 주장했다. 그가 민족주의를 반대한 이유는 민족주의가 유럽의 문화 통일에 방해가 되기 때문이지 민족주의 자체의 논리에 결함이 있기 때문이 아니었다. 따라서 유럽 문화 통일을 주장하는 엘리엇의 반민족주의가 민족주의의 기반 위에 세워졌다는 것은 전혀 모순되지 않는다. 그의 반민족주의는 민족주의에서 중요하게 취급되는 민족 구성원의 “의지”와 민족국가의 형성과 유지에서 중요한 역할을 하는 “전통”에 관한 개념을 민족주의와 공유하고 있다. 이는 민족의 동질성 회복이라는 민족주의적 관점에서 남북통일을 생각함과 동시에 세계 평화를 위해 각 국의 민족주의를 경계해야 하는 한국 독자들에게 의미하는 바가 크다. 인류는 언제나 과거를 통해 배우기에 한국에서 엘리엇 읽기는 오늘날에도 여전히 유효한 것이다.

본 연구는 서유럽의 근대 국가와 민족들의 형성 과정에서 종교개혁이 미친 영향들에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 한말에 한국인들, 특히 기독교인들 속에서 민족 개념과 민족됨의 의식 형성에 끼친 기독교의 초기 성경 번역 과 그 역할에 주목하였다. 근대 초 서유럽에서 일어난 종교개혁의 한 가지 의미는 성경의 재발견이었고, 이것은 각 국가들이 근대 민족국가로 이행하 기 위한 전단계로서 하나의 민족됨의 형성에 기여했다. 즉 영혼 구원을 의 도했던 종교개혁이 프로테스탄트 민족들과 국가들이 만들어지는데 일조했다. 이때 종교개혁을 겪었던 각 국가들은 성경으로부터 그들의 종교적 신념과 정치적 신념을 끌어냈다. 특히 성경에서 나오는 해방, 언약, 율법, 선민, 출애굽, 약속의 땅에 대한 꿈과 같은 서사들을 성경에서 끌어와 그들의 정치적 행동을 정당화시켰다. 근대 초 독일지역, 네덜란드, 체코, 덴마크, 스위스, 스코틀랜드, 잉글랜드와 같은 나라들이 외부적으로는 외세의 침략 과 간섭에서, 내부적으로 신분제적 속박에서 벗어나기 위한 투쟁을 전개했고 이를 성취했다. 이를 언약적 민족주의라 할 수 있다. 기독교는 한말 한국인들에게 근대적인 서구식 사고방식을 깨우쳐주었고, 나아가 기독교민족주의를 고취시켰는데, 그 과정에서 중심 매개체는 특히 성경으로 간주할 수 있다. 성경은 단순히 개인의 영혼구원이라는 종교적 정 체성에 머무르지 않고, 하나의 공동체로서 민족됨의 통일적인 서사와 담론을 제공한 것으로 여겨진다. 따라서 본고는 서양사와 비교사적 관점에서, 성경이 한말의 한국인들에게 민족됨의 의식 형성에 어떤 영향을 끼치고, 이 후에 실용적인 성경 민족주의로 어떻게 표출되며, 그 결과인 성경 민족주의 에 대한 개념정의를 시도했다. 초기 번역 성경의 보급은 외형상으로 사회적 이고 제도적인 하나의 민족됨의 모델을 제시해주었다. 또한 근대적인 시민 적 민족주의를 연상시키는 평등주의적인 측면들도 가지고 있다. 즉 모든 민족은 ‘정치적 주권’을 획득할 권리를 갖는다는 사상으로 정의되는 정치적 교의를 전개한다. 한말의 기독교는 사회개혁과 반외세의 저항의 서사를 성 경의 민족됨의 서사에서 상당부분 끌어와 그것을 민족주의 운동과 연결시 킨 것으로 간주된다. 그러므로 한말 개신교의 성경 번역이 결과적으로 빚어 낸 것은 내부적으로는 사회개혁과 외부적으로는 반외세적 저항사상의 행동 프로그램인 성경 민족주의로 명명할 수 있을 것이다.