Kim, Doug-seok. 1996. Island Constraints on Attract-F. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 129-151. Chomsky`s(1995) definition of Attract-F comprises the effects of the MLC and Last Resort. However, the CED, which is not reducible to the Shortest Movement Condition, is not incorporated in the definition. As a result, Attract-F itself cannot block illegitimate extractions out of islands such as subject, adjunct; and complex NP. To include the island constraints in the definition of Attract-F this paper captures the common properties of the islands in terms of c-command relation between a head and the category contained in the projection of the head, and proposes a revised definition of Attract-F: K attracts F if (i) F is the closest feature that can enter into a checking relation with a sublabel of K, and (ii) these is no X, X a head, such that a projection of X contains a maximal projection YP dominating a category with F and X does not c-command YP. The first part of this definition comprises the effects of the MLC and Last Resort and the second part incorporates the effects of the island constraints.