간행물
현대문법연구 KCI 등재 Studies in Modern Grammar
- 발행기관 현대문법학회
- 자료유형 학술지
- 간기 계간
- ISSN 1226-3206 (Print)2713-5780 (Online)
- 수록기간 1992 ~ 2021
- 주제분류 인문학 > 언어학 인문학 분류의 다른 간행물
- 십진분류KDC 745DDC 425
권호리스트/논문검색
제8권 (1996년 8월) 10건
1.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Jung, In-Gyo, Kim, Hui-Seop & Kim Eun-Il. 1996. Stress on the English Loan Words Spoken by Speakers of Kyungsang Dialect. Studies in Modern Grammatical 8: 1-24. This study discusses the misaccentuation on the English loan words spoken by the speakers of Kyungsan8 Dialect. Most speakers of Kyungsang dialect tend to pronounce the English loan words in the same kind of pitch contour when they speak Korean or Sino-Korean words rather than by the English stress rules. To find the types of pitch contour of English loan words, 10 native speakers of Kyungsang dialect were asked to pronounce 120 words, which were analyzed by CSL(Model 4300B). This study shows that the types of pitch contour are generally determined bY the CV structure of the syllables and presents a guide to help students pronounce the correctly stressed English loan words.
2.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Seok, Jong-hwan. 1996. The Empty Categories in Phonological Theory. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 25-46. This paper deals with issues relevant to the empty categories in phonological theory. The framework on which this paper is based is Government Phonology proposed by Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud(1985, 1990). GP is based on the notion of principles and parameters as developed by Chomsky(1981). One of the primary aims of GP is to look for Universal Grammar in phonology. To achieve this aim, GP employs a set of principles and parameters already well established in syntax. A nucleus which dominates a vowel in specific contexts can be underlyingly empty. An onset can have neither a skeletal point nor segmental material, and can have a skeletal point but no associated phonological content as well. Whether an empty nucleus is phonetically realized or not is not a question of representation, but a question of interpretation. Empty nuclei can be found in a domain-final as well as domain-internal positions. The interpretation of empty nuclei is determined by the Empty Category Principle, which is regarded as a part of Universal Grammar. The licensing condition for a domain-final is a language-specific parameter. An empty nucleus which is licensed is not interpreted phonetically. The interpretation of a domain-internal empty nucleus is determined depending on proper government. The recognition of empty categories in phonological theory can lead us toward an attempt to look for Universal Grammar in phonology as well as syntax.
3.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Yun Jae-Sung. 1996. On Bracketing Paradox. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 47-70. This thesis deals with bracketing paradoxes, i.e. constructions in which it seems necessary to assign two distinct structures to a word. We traces the recent history of this set of problems and some of the proposal for tackling them. Bracketing paradoxes that arise in the current framework of Lexical phonology give rise to some major complications. A main point made by Kiparsky is that morphological rules can only have access to information found on the level where they operate. In particular, bracketing paradoxes arise when attachment of level 1 presupposes the presence of level 2 affixes, or when level 2 affixation needs to see the internal bracketing of a word which is only available at level 1. We review two different theories that involve `rebracketing,`(Kiparsky, 1983ㆍPesetsky, 1985) and one different theory which rely on analogical word-formation(Spencer 1988, 1991). We also look into the prosodically based account that simply denies the morphological relevance of bracketings. Their approaches, it is claimed, can at best be regared as only a partial solution to the problem. We deal with an analysis diametrically opposed to previous studies, namely, the position of Robert Beard who argues for a separation of lexicon and morphology, a claim known as `Lexeme/Morpheme-Base Morphology.` In this model, the grammatical process of derivation and inflection are affected by L-rules in the lexicon, whereas processes of affixation are M-rules in the morphology. We show this thesis with a case study of the paradigm cases of the paradoxes which suggest that some of the paradoxes at least provide evidence for a `Lexeme/Morpheme-Base Morphology` approach. In conclusion, the idea of separating lexicon from morphology has an explanatory adequacy in accounting for bracketing paradoxes. This thesis speaks in favor of an autonomous morphological component.
4.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Chung, Moo-Joo. 1996. Perceptual Strategies for the Spatial Expressions Related to `Front/Back` and `Left/Right` Orientation. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories, 8: 71-89. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the fact that spatial expressions linked with front/back and left/right have both deictic and non-deictic roles according as the specified reference point possesses any intrinsic orientational properties of direction. The results are as follow: First, native speakers of Korean tend to use a deictic strategy (regardless of any kind of dynamic feature) when the referent point does not possess any intrinsic front/back axis. It was observed, however, that a deictic strategy can still be used even when the specified reference point possesses orientational properties, if the uttenance context involves a kind of speaker-centering. Second, the shift between deictic and absolute strategies also occurs with spatial expressions involving `left` and `right`. Speakers of Korean tend to use a deictic strategy for the left/right orientation when the referent has the features of [-intrinsic front/back] and [-intrinsic left/right], whereas an absolute strategy is used for the reference point with intrinsic front/back and left/ right. The shift between these two strategies is confined to a deictic one when the referent object and the speaker are aligned in the same direction.
5.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Yong-Suck Kim. 1966. A Study on the Feature-Checking Theory of Reflexives: Focusing on the Reflexivization in Korean. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 91-127. The main goal of this study is to argue that the various types of anaphora, displayed by Korean reflexives, can be explained in terms of a reformulated version of feature-checking theory along the line of Chomsky`s(1992, 1999) minimalist theory. As a result from this study, it comes to light that all kinds of Korean reflexives, including X^0 reflexives, except the caki type are analyzed as complex reflexive NP consisting of a pronominal element, either overt or covert, and a reflexive element, as analogous to English reflexive, him+self. These internal elements of reflexives must move up to the relevant positions within the upper functional category DP at LF level for their feature-checking respectively, which virtually gives rise to another movement of D (or DP in some instance) for the identification of its feature-variables by higher AGR. It also turns out under the argumentation that the subject-orientation of reflexives may be captured by the `subject-orientation principles for reflexives,` proposed here under the feature-checking theory of reflexives.
6.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Kim, Doug-seok. 1996. Island Constraints on Attract-F. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 129-151. Chomsky`s(1995) definition of Attract-F comprises the effects of the MLC and Last Resort. However, the CED, which is not reducible to the Shortest Movement Condition, is not incorporated in the definition. As a result, Attract-F itself cannot block illegitimate extractions out of islands such as subject, adjunct; and complex NP. To include the island constraints in the definition of Attract-F this paper captures the common properties of the islands in terms of c-command relation between a head and the category contained in the projection of the head, and proposes a revised definition of Attract-F: K attracts F if (i) F is the closest feature that can enter into a checking relation with a sublabel of K, and (ii) these is no X, X a head, such that a projection of X contains a maximal projection YP dominating a category with F and X does not c-command YP. The first part of this definition comprises the effects of the MLC and Last Resort and the second part incorporates the effects of the island constraints.
7.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Im Che-Gong. 1996. The Sbructure of Small Clause and Control. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 153-180. There are various proposals regarding the proper analysis of the structure of small clauses(SCs): Chomsky(1981)`s dichotomy depends on his θ-Theory, Stowell(1983)`s analysis rests on X`-scheme and Government Principle and Rothstein(1983)`s proposal is based on Predication Theory. But none of them are without problems. I shall try to show in this article that SCs have the same structure with Double Object Constructions and some Control Structures. I assume Binary Branching suggested in Kayne(1984), VP Internal Subject Hypothesis suggested by many linguists, Larson(1988)`s VP-Shell Structure and his version of Minimal Distance Principle originally suggested in Rosenbaum(1970). I also adopt the structure for SCs suggested in Bowers(1993) and modify it to develop a general theory of Transitive Verb Structure. My suggestions are the following: 1) SCs are contained in the VP-Shell Structure like [vp NP [v` V(e) [vp NP(e) [v` V (NP)]]]] at D-level 2) TV(transitive verb) + C(complement) is compositionally predicated of an SS (secondary subject(object)) and TVC + SS is predicated of a PS(primary subject) 3) An SS (object/theme) can be passivized, but a complement(goal, source/dative) can`t unless it is raised to SS position by Dative Shift 4) There is no structural difference between Complement SCs and Adjunct SCs except the position of the maximal projection of secondary predicate, which depends on the position of its subject 5) Secondary predicate has PRO as its subject, which is controlled by revised version of MDP 6) The structure suggested here observes the Thematic Hierarchy (Agent > Theme > Goal(Source)) and Binding Principle.
8.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Kim, Hak-Youn. 1996. A Study on Locality and Binding. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 181-2O8. The purpose of this paper is to show how Locality (Manzini 1992) can solve the problems revealed in the previous Binding Theories (Chomsky 1981, 1986b, Aoun 1986), and furthermore to explain even every dependency. For the dependency of wh-movement, the Locality employs both categorial sequence based on non K-governing and address sequence based on K-governing, and barrier defined by g-marking. If the sequence satisfy government, then wh-antecedents and the traces establish dependency. This Locality accounts for wh-t incorporated in Generalized Binding and even Specific islands. For A-movement dependency, the theouy makes use of Barrier suggested above and extended the trace to dependent element. In addition, this rule is bicotditioned. Through optional g-marking forBarrier, the problem of non complementary distribution of pronoun and anaphor are solved. In conclusion, the Locality has strong explanatory power because the simple principle can cover various problems revealed in previous binding theories.
9.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Young-Seok Choi. 1996. On the Complement of Some Unaccusative Predicates. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 209-225. The main concern of this paper is a constraint on the complements of certain unaccusative predicates in Korean, with the primary focus on toy `become`. It will be argued that such constructions involve raising from an initially biclausal structure, consistent with Perlmutter and Postal`s (1984) hypothesis that auxiliary verbs universally occur in an initially unaccusative structure. Some syntactic evidence will be provided in support of the proposed analysis based on facts about word order, relativization, and passivization.
10.
1996.08
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Kim Young-roung. 1996. INFL-Lowering vs V-Raising. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 227-241. Chomsky claims that English undergo lnfl-lowering at S-structure to assign an appropriate θ-role and V-raising at LF not to violate the ECP. However, all that French needs is V-raising, not Infl-lowering. This is because Infl-lowering is against his core economy principle. Thus, for a better economy principle, I argue that English also does not need to undergo Infl-lowering at S-structure. Only V-raising is required, not Infl-lowering. This claim confirms to the Least Effort Condition. I present two devices for my claim of V-raising in English at D-and S-structures: In the case of a verb with a PP complement, as a way for solving the problems concerning a θ-role when assuming V-raising at S-structure, I claim that verbs raise only with Case-marking feature, while leaving behind a θ-role-marking feature. Thus, an appropriate θ-role can be assigned to the complement through reanalysis. In the case of "often-type" adverbs, a verb move together with an adverb.
