간행물
현대문법연구 KCI 등재 Studies in Modern Grammar
- 발행기관 현대문법학회
- 자료유형 학술지
- 간기 계간
- ISSN 1226-3206 (Print)2713-5780 (Online)
- 수록기간 1992 ~ 2021
- 주제분류 인문학 > 언어학 인문학 분류의 다른 간행물
- 십진분류KDC 745DDC 425
권호리스트/논문검색
제76권 (2014년 2월) 12건
1.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Binding Conditions A and B are quite useful generalizations, but they raise many fundamental questions such as 'why must an anaphor be bound within a local domain, but not outside of it?', and 'why does a pronominal obey an almost opposite constraint?' and 'how is the local domain defined?'. This article explores the possibility of providing answers to those fundamental questions by assuming that binding conditions have both lexical and syntactic aspects. I claim that self is a reflexive predicate that requires its two arguments to be co-indexed, whereas a non-reflexive predicate like like requires its two arguments not to be co-indexed.
2.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
There are many types of constructions in languages. And two approaches are proposed to explain these constructions. The one is rule-based approach, and the other is non-rule-base approach, for example Construction Grammar. Adopting former approach, this paper proposes that a syntactic variation can be the cause of construction formation. To clarify this idea, constructions are grouped into three types: a normal construction type, a quasi normal construction type, and a non-normal construction type. In these cases, ‘normal’ means ‘rule obeying’ or ‘can be formed by rules’. Furthermore, three Korean constructions, such as verbal reduplication construction, ‘geoss-i-da’ construction, and embedded conjunction construction, are examined to check the main proposal.
3.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
This paper aims to investigate the genuine features of so-called Case particles in Korean and to solve the locality violation of subcategorization in Particle stacking. Ga and lul are believed to be Structural Case markers since generative grammar was introduced in Korean linguistics. However, it is not difficult to find their non-Case use. Even if I adopt the assumption that they can be categorized as D like delimiter nun, I think their genuine features should be defined not in terms of Case preference but in terms of Case rejection. On the other hand, the locality violation of selection and subcategorization in Particle stacking is inevitable in the traditional syntactic structures built by the asymmetric projection. I solve this problem by replacing asymmetric projection with symmetric projection proposed in my previous study to Particle stacking structures.
4.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
I claim that the untensed clause with ko is not an instance of coordination, but an adjunct CP headed by ko, which is a complementizer. I show that coordination approach of any kind, either VP as in Yoon (1993, 1994, 1997) or TP as in Chung (2001) cannot give an adequate account for the data as presented in the paper. It is also shown that from the present proposal the (a)symmetry of tense and mood interpretation involving the untensed clause headed by ko naturally follows. If the present proposal is on the right track, it has a nontrivial theoretical implication of suggesting that symmetry in morphology is not a factor in syntactic coordination quite unlike syntactic categories.
5.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
According to the so-called 'NP/DP parameter,' languages with articles may project both DP and NP in the nominal domain, while those without can have at most NP with the DP layer missing (Fukui (1988), Chierchia (1998), Bosković (2008), inter alia). Recently, extending this line of reasoning to the clausal domain, Bosković (2010) argues that article-less languages, such as Hindi, Japanese, Korean and Turkish, do not have TP in the clausal architecture. This paper aims to closely examine whether Bosković's claim, referred to as 'TP parameter,' is tenable. We show that careful reconsideration of TP parameter is required since it undergenerates: i.e., there are a number of empirical data in Korean, an article-less language, which it wouldn't be easy to explain unless TP is postulated. The data revealing problems for the parameter include (i) the dependency of licensing negation upon TP in key-ha-la imperatives; (ii) the availability of sentential negation and a verbal predicate in a resulting clause in resultatives; and (iii) the asymmetry between clausal ellipsis and replacement of the pro-form kulehkey.
6.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
This paper claims that particles and endings in Korean should be independent syntactic units from a typological perspective. And through the examination of the grammatical status of particles this paper shows that the concept of ‘nominative case’ and that of syntactic function ‘subject’ have been much entangled in Korean grammar. One of the problems derived from the conceptual entanglement is the so-called ‘predicate clause’. The main objective of this paper is to clarify the origin of the misconception of ‘predicate clause’. This paper uses three diagnoses to verify the misconception of predicate clause. The first one is a diagnosis through ‘do-so test’. The second one is a diagnosis related to ‘equi-subject constraint’. The last one is a diagnosis on the basis of ‘valency’. These diagnoses lead us to the conclusion that the so-called ‘micro subject’ kho-ka ‘nose-Nom’ and holangi-ka ‘tiger-Nom’ in double subject constructions such as Khokkili-nun kho-ka kil-ta ‘Elephants have a long nose’ and Na-nun holangi-ka mwusep-ta ‘I’m afraid of tigers’ is no more subject, but a sort of object and that the real subject is the ‘macro subject’ Khokkili-nun ‘elephant-Top’ and Na-nun ‘I-Top’ in above-mentioned examples.
7.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
The cross-linguistic divergence of copula constructions does not necessarily imply that there is no universal structure for the constructions. Since the introduction of the notion, "small clause", the degree of categorial differentiation for copulas found in many languages has no longer been a bothersome phenomenon for linguists. Some recent works on the copula structure based on Merge theory claim that one of the pair {XP, YP} must move to satisfy the canonical order of the construction in the spirit of LCA. This paper attempts to explain how we can choose the one from the pair that must escape from the first Merged structure. Under the assumptions of Multiple Membrane Hypothesis (Im 2013), and employing the cartographical order of functional categories (Rizzi 1997, Cinque 1999, Starke 2001, 2006, among others), I argue that the syntactic object left in small clause has its own intrinsic [Focus] feature that induces the VP-internal location of the object at the interfaces. The morpho-phonemic realization of √BE is followed to meet the legibility condition at the interfaces.
8.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Even though it has long been stipulated that Korean has subject as a grammatical category and i(/ga) is the subject marker in Korean sentences, there has been difficulties in identifying the subject in several types of sentences. Some of the types have eun(/neun) or the like instead of i, others doesn't have any NPs which can be evaluated as subject at any rate in their surface, and the others have more than one i-attached NPs. Hence, these have brought an argument that Korean doesn't have subject as a grammatical category. In this paper, I reconsider the notion of subject and those arguments that Korean doesn't have subject, and argue that there does exist subject as a grammatical category in Korean. In any language, the notion of subject is applied to the basic sentences of it according to Keenan(1976) and I regard that 'flow dimension'(Kibrik 2001) should be skimmed off from the discussion of the existence of subject as a grammatical category, because understanding the meaning of sentences including flow characteristics requires understanding the meaning of sentences not including them. Furthermore, in my opinion, the existence of non-lexically-selected i as in multiplenominative constructions is the proof that i as a nominative case marker is developed to subject marker when the condition of referentiality is met. In addition, I show some heuristics of identifying the subjects in Korean.
9.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
More attention has been paid to fragmental utterances after Merchants (2004). Various ideas have been proposed for fragmental expressions in Korean as well. Ahn and Cho (2006) make a claim that fragments are all syntactically derived with ellipsis whereas Choi and Yoon (2009) propose that there are two different kinds of fragments in Korean: a Case-marked fragment (CMF) and a Caseless fragment (CLF). The latter approach is often called hybrid analysis. This paper is designed to review the so-called hybrid analysis about fragments in Korean and to provide it with a more crucial piece of evidence that Case is obligatory in ki-clausal fragments in Korean. The paper also examines different types of clausal fragments and makes an attempt to answer whether the clausal CMF and CLF have two different structures and what consequences we have with the claim.
10.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
Contrastively marked topic expressions are peculiar in that they are normally interpreted in a higher position in structure, while they have to be able to take lower scope than other quantifiers in a sentence. Extensive linguistic research into this puzzling paradox over the past decades has unearthed a wealth of empirical findings; nonetheless, the key question of what contributes to the CT paradox is still left unanswered. This paper, based on the observation that a CT-marked universal quantifier is an NPI in Korean, provides a reason why CT-phrases have to be interpreted in a lower position in structure; the lower-copyinterpretation is required by the NPI-licensing.
11.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the problems in the Korean Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) Constructions and to suggest that the ECM constructions are best analyzed if we assume that the ECM constructions can function as the simple sentence following Woo (1995). Under this analysis, adopting the multiple case licensing conducted by Hiraiwa (2001), it is shown why and how the DPs in question in the ECM constructions can be case-marked exceptionally and normally.
12.
2014.02
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
This paper is concerned with the contrast in clausal movement of the subject position in raising constructions. The clause cannot move out of the predicate internal position with seem, but it can with likely. Moro (1997, 2000) proposed that they have different internal structures, in that the clause is directly selected by likely, but seem selects a small clause where a clause forms a predicate with it. Although Moro’s analysis elegantly explains the contrast, it encounters new problems. In this paper, I argue that seem may select a small clause headed by an empty adjective head. Following Stowell (1991) and den Dikken (2006), the empty head is an affix that is required to move to the matrix V. The head movement extends a phase from a small clause to the higher VP (den Dikken 2006), and the phase extension would trap the clause inside the small clause. Therefore, the clause cannot move to the subject position. As for the clause directly selected by likely, no empty head is involved and nothing blocks the clause from raising to the subject position.
