간행물
현대문법연구 KCI 등재 Studies in Modern Grammar
- 발행기관 현대문법학회
- 자료유형 학술지
- 간기 계간
- ISSN 1226-3206 (Print)2713-5780 (Online)
- 수록기간 1992 ~ 2021
- 주제분류 인문학 > 언어학 인문학 분류의 다른 간행물
- 십진분류KDC 745DDC 425
권호리스트/논문검색
제7권 (1996년 4월) 9건
3.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
The purpose of this paper is to show the basic outline of recent Minimalist Theory(particularly focused on Attract-F) suggested by Chomsky (1993, 1995), and to reveal the superiority of the theory to the other previous theories on there-constructions. In Chomsky`s Attract-F approach, feature [D] on there is checked against the strong feature [D] on T, the NP adjjoined to there in LF has its Case feature and φ-feature checked off against those of T, and the object-NP in the embedded infinitive is adjoined to the higher V in LF in order to have its Case and φ-featuers checked off. Partititive case approach is exceptional because the partitive case is assigned through government but all the other morphological feafures are checked through Spec-Head agreement. The analysis where the strength of feature on T is weakened can also be incorporated into the Attract-F approach. The theory where there is considered a defective` NP has been developed into the Attract-F approach. In conclusion, so fas as the Attract-F concerned, it is the most effective theory in the analysis of there-constructions.
4.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
In this paper I examined the theory of feature percolation in detail. The feature percolation I examined is reminiscent of the notion of feature instantiation found in the theory of GPSG. Little attention has been given to the development of a general theory of how features combine and percolate. The purpose of this paper is to show that the feature percolation principles, when incorporated into the context of government binding theory, allow a unified treatment of a number of unrelated syntactic phenomena. I have discussed (a) sub-command facts. (b) differences in blocking effects of long distance reflexives, and (c) that-trace effects in English and other languages on the basis of the feature percolation principles. As a result, this general principle will eliminate a number of separate and arbitrary principles. The question that remains for further examination is to see whether this feature percolation principle can be extended to other syntactic features.
5.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
In order to understand the characteristics of a middle construction and explain its formation, we should inspect the lexical stucture, the syntactic structure and the logical form of it synthetically. A middle construction is derived by the diathesis alternation that causes the object of a transitive verb to realize as the subject of syntactic structure. This change implies the cognitive process from the description of an individual event to the statement of a general state. A middle construction has two argument. The one is the understood but unexpressed implicit argument which has generic agent θ-role at the lexical category. The other is the explicit argument of subject at the syntactic structure which was the object with theme/patient. or with affected θ-role at the lexical structure. The middle verb of activity or accomplishment doesn`t describe a specific event but a noneventive state. A transitive verb changes into a middle verb which incorporates with the abstract morpheme. of an aspectual delimitedness feature in course of undergoing a `change of state` in the syntactic derivation. If a transitive verb becomes a middle verb, it should select the argument with theme or patient θ-role as its new subject suppressing old one. Accordingly a middle verb usually combines with a manner adverbial or prototypical tense aspect. The formation of a middle construction can be explained principlely through the morphological checking theory that attracts the formal feature of lexical items to the functional category at the syntactic structure or at the level of logical form.
6.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
The elimination of Government Theory is justified in the Minimalist Theory in that the license of traces, the check of structural Cases, the assignment of thematic roles, and the relation of Binding and Control etc. are explained without barriers. The Government is defined on the basis of barriers which limit downward line of COMMAND. And the Subjacency Condition and Empty Category Principle are deeply related with Government Theory because both explanations are dependent on the notion of barriers. But in the framework of Minimalist approach, as the Government Theory is eliminated, the Subjacency Condition is now replaced by economy principles on derivation, and the ECp by the licensing requirement on Chains. In order to form a legitimate Chain, first, it should satisfy morphological requirements such as ø -features, Case features. tense features and〔+WH〕features. The second, it should be uniform with respect to L-relatedness or T-relatedness or both. But in spite of the elimination of Government Theory, the Minimalist Theory should depend on barriers to explain Island phenomena such as the Strong Islands and the Weak Islands. If the notion of barriers can not be removed in such phenomena, the Minimalist Theory gets damaged in that the elimination of Government Theory can not be justified. In order to solve the problem, I propose that Wh-arguments and Wh-adjuncts be Wh-in-situs within the Strong Islands such as Subject Islands, Complex NP Islands, Adjunct Islands and Weak crossover Islands, and be explained by the following principle after SPELL-OUT without a direct Wh-movement. (A)〔+WH〕feature of wh-phrase within the Strong Islands can be absorbed only if there exists a〔+WH〕feature of wh-phrase in the matrix clause. And in order to explain the asymmetry of the extraction of arguments adjuncts in the Weak Islands, I propose that Wh-adjuncts only be Wh-in-situs without the lexical movement.
8.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
9.
1996.04
서비스 종료(열람 제한)
