Lee Pil-Hwan. 1996. An Article on the Positions of Old and Middle English Particles. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 1-25. In this article I account for the various positions of Old and Middle English particles in terms of verb second movement and extraposition. The base order of Old English is generally believed to be SOV, so a particle appears before the verb at the base. But a particle may be separated from the verb, when the verb moves to COMP by verb second movement or when the particle itself is extraposed over the verb. I argue that a particle can move to the right of the verb. However, there is no restriction on the landing site to which a particle is moved, contrary to Kemenade`s(1987) assumption that an Old English particle can move to the immediate right of the verb, or to the right of one further NP object only. This explanation is also contradictory to Pintzuk`s(1991, 1992, 1993) assumption that a particle does not move at all in Old English. An Old English particle is moved over the verb not by a construction-specific particle movement, which optionally permutes the particle with one object but by extraposition. For that reason, there may appear various elements between the verb and the extraposed particle.
Park, Sang-soo. 1996. The Effect of Formal Features on the Word Order Change in the History of English. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 27-55. According to the descriptive study of texts of OE, the underlying word order of Late OE should be analyzed as a double base hypothesis. We therefore propose that the functional category of IP had both I-final SOVI and I-initial SIOV and the lexical category of VP had head-initial OV in the OE underlying structure. In the Minimalist Program the operation Attract-F is driven by the morphological considerations: the requirement that some formal features must be attracted to the functional category and checked off before Spell-out. We can explain the verb-seconding and the topicalization of OE main clauses using the operation Attract-F. The strong features of [+finite] and [+topicJ appear in the C of CP and attract the morphological features of lexical category to check the verb-seconding in the C and the topicalization in the Spec of CP. The change of underlying word order from SOVI and SIOV of OE to SIVO of ME was triggered by the inflections which were rich and full in the OE period but became reduced and levelled in the ME period The levelled inflections of ME provided the morpho-syntactic motivation for the reanalysis of underlying word order that caused the [+finite] feature in C to incorporate into the (+tense] feature in I and made the verb-seconding and the cliticization disappear in the ME period.
Park Sung-Hyuk. 1996. On the Meaning of "minimization" in the Minimalist Program. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 57-76. In the minimalist program (MP) of Chomsky (1993; 1995a; 1995b; 1996), it is assumed that a particularly simple design for language would take the two interface levels, PF and LF, to be the only levels, since only these two interface levels seem to be conceptually necessary. Under minimalist assumptions, the linguistic expressions are the optimal realizations of the interface conditions, where "optimality" is determined by the economy conditions of UG. Then, the minimalist program can be defined as a programmatic approach to language study that takes a linguistic expression to be nothing other than a formal object that satisfies the interface conditions in the optimal way. The most remarkable property of the MP is its explicit commitment to explanation through the distinctive method of minimization. Its ultimate goal, which is to reduce grammatical constructs to bare essentials, is claimed to be reached through the following minimizations, among others: (a) minimization of representations and levels of representations and (b) minimization of computational operations and procedure, which further leads to the minimization of computational complexity. Therefore, minimization means economization and optimization. However, minimization may not be interpreted as minimizing to zero (or null) but as minimizing to bare essentials, whose justification is based on conceptual necessity.
Im Che-Gyong. 1996. The Thematic Structure of Ergative Construction. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 77-96. Ergative sentences in English and Korean show some asymmetries with their accusative counterparts in such constructions as imperatives, prenominal -ing forms, and dative or double object construction. The primary purpose of this paper is to show that these asymmetries can be explained by assuming VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis, Thematic Hierarchy in VP-Shell Structure and Minimal Link Condition. I also found that causatives cannot co-occur with ergatives and this can be explained by the principles suggested by the Minimalists. The results from the study are the following: (i) Asymmetries in imperatives, prenominal -ing forms can be explained by the difference in argument structure between ergatives and accusatives: the former have only one argument with Theme role but the latter have two arguments, Agent and Theme. (ii) Case theory alone cannot solve the ungrammaticality of ergative sentences in which the goal is the surface subject. We need the following thernatic hierarchy: Agent > Theme > Goal plus MLC suggested in Chomsky(1993). (iii) MLC also explains the non co-occurrence of Korean ergatives with causatives; a supporting evidence that MLC comprises the Specified Subject Condition as well as the notion of government in barrierhood.
Cheong Youn. 1996. he Double Dative Case Ban in Korean. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 97-117. This paper explores data involving sequences of two dative-marked NPs in Korean. Sometimes such sequences result in the ungrammaticality of the sentence, at least for some speakers. By examining a variety of data, I propose the Double Dative Case Ban, a ban on two consecutive NPs that receive dative case from the same verb. Furthermore, I show that the DDCB applies simultaneously to case markers like eykey, ey, kkey, hanthey. This supports the view that all of these markers should be considered to be dative case markers, regardless of the differences in their form.
Lee, Bok-hee. 1996. Uncertainty of Speech Acts. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 119-136. This paper attempts to examine how uncertainty is employed in interaction, to develop the concept of ambivalence, and to consider the implication for cross-cultural interaction. Although the uncertainty the speaker creates in ambivalence can be a useful strategy to achieve a particular purpose, it may prevent the addressee from understanding the speaker`s intent properly. Especially when we interact with people who may have different norms or conventions in how to use ambivalence, it may be a major cause of misunderstanding. Cross-cultural communication may be difficult, but I think that it is possible to avoid conflict or to improve tolerance if we are sufficiently aware of the possible causes of misunderstanding.
Yoon, Hee-soo. 1996. Iconicity of Linguistic Signs. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 137-159. Iconicity is a tern which is used to call similarity between a linguistic form and its meaning. The thought that there is no relation between a form of a linguistic sign and its contents i.e., that the relation is arbitrary has been widely accepted since Saussure. However, with the advent of cognitive linguistics, iconicity has become a new important area of research. In this paper, the following four aspects of iconicity are found out: quantity principle, proximity principle, me-first principle, sequential order principle. Natural language is not a system composed of arbitrary signs as has been supposed since Saussure. Many of the linguistic structures reflect human cognitive system. It turns out that language is not an autonomous system but the products of human body and soul based on human cognitive system and bodily experiences.
Yeo Sang-Pil. 1996. Partial Reduplication and Prosodic Structure. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 161-183. The propose of this paper is to examine Jun`s(1993, 1999) and Davis & Lee`s(1996) analyses of Korean partial reduplication and to offer a new proposal on the subject. Contrary to Jun`s analysis, I show that Korean tense and aspirated consonants are not underlyingly geminates and coda consonants are not moraic. His metrical weight consistency is inapplicable to data with the final open syllables. Davis & Lee argue that Korean partial redulplcation entails the suffixing of a syllable template to the initial bisyllabic foot, with a foot-final consonant being extraprosodic. Their analysis, however, can not account for patterns of mora reduplications, closed syllable reduplications, and /wakili/-type. In this paper, I argue that a reduplicated syllable template to suffix must be specified as RS (σ), RI(σ_h), RI(σμ) according to various patterns of partial reduplication material and that extraprosodicity can be excluded in the Korean partial reduplication analysis. This approach is superior to the two previous analyses in that it covers more various types of Korean partial reduplication data.
Cho, Dam Ock. 1996. The Grid Analysis of the English Rhythm. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 185-204. Recent researches in metrical phonology are focused on rhythmic stress phenomena in larger domains than the representation of prominence patterns of words. There are three divergent theories which have been developed in these areas: grid-only theory, tree-only theory and tree-cum-grid theory. The main purposes of this paper is to review the grid-only theory developed by LP(1977), Prince(1983), Hayes(1980) and Selkirk(1984). Their argument is that prominence relations expressed in tree strictures are maybe better captured in grids alone and that tree structure is unnecessary. But there are some critical problems in a grid-only framework, for example, in arbitrary prosodic hierarchy, stress-shift operations and ordering in rule application. Hayes(1980) and Selkirk(1984) devised the solutions to these problems. They are eurhythmy theory and rhythmic adjustment rule. At the respects of summaries which have been discussed, we can conclude that the grid-only theory is necessary and useful for the description of rhythmic stress pattern in English.
Kim, Sook Young. 1996. Interface between root compounds and synthetic compounds. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 205-228. The aim of this study is to reach the interface between root compounds and synthetic compounds using the theories of Roeper/Siegel(1978),Selkirk(1982) and Fabb(1984). A compound is a lexical unit consisting of more than one base word and functioning both grammatically and semantically as a single word. It can be divided into two classes: root compounds(or primary compounds)and synthetic compounds(or verbal compounds). Root compounds are those compounds whose second elements are not derivatives from verbs. On the other hand, synthetic compounds refer to those words which contain deverbal second constituents. Roeper/Siegel generally assume that both sentences and synthetic compounds are formed from subcategorization frames associated with verbs. They propose the First Sister Principle, which applies to the formation of synthetic compounds. Selkirk`s theory consists of two claims: (i) synthetic compoundings and root compoundings are generated by the same rewriting roles, (ii) the interpretation of a synthetic compounds is due to the optional rule for assigning grammatical functions to the nonhead element. Fabb regards -ing and -er case-markers, and specifies that they may be attached in syntax. The differences of the theories were found in the different explanations of phrases and non-heads with complements, etc. They show the interface between root compounds and synthetic compounds. In conclusion a distinctive syntactic explanation on the deverbal words, the second constituents of the compounds, may thus be the key to the understanding of the interface between root compounds and synthetic compounds.