This paper develops an argument for the M-merger of Movement based on consideration of Holmberg`s Generalization[HG], well-documented constraint on object shift in the Scandinavian language. Assumed head-movement and phrasal movement are the same thing, Head undergoes movement to SPEC of XP in a same way as XP does. From the SPEC of XP, it is argued that head-merging operation called M-Merger happens. If Object is placed in the SPEC of XP, objects also undergo head-merging operation with verbs under rich morphological formations such as Icelandic full DP or Weak pronouns in mainland scandinavian. This operation assumed to be a morphological process showing a different pattern to that of syntax, which gives the reason why object shift shows the mixed nature in syntactic phenomena. It is argued also that the characterization of HG presented here can be explained in terms of M-Merger.
This paper purposes to solve the tricky problems with scope readings by applying May`s (1985) Path Containment Condition (PCC) and Chomsky`s (2000) Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) to sentences involving quantifiers and wh-phrases. Contradictory discussions have ensued in connection with scope readings. This paper shows how such problems can be solved with the application of the concept of path and phase presented by May and Chomsky. In order to verify that the PCC and PIC are crucial to the reading of scope ambiguity, this paper covers not only the sentences involving double object predicates and quantifiers, which have been regarded as a more tricky issue, but also other sentences containing complementizers and quantifiers. By employing the notion of path and phase in a unified way, this paper shows that m-command, not c-command, should be employed in deciding scope and its readings.
This paper deals with the relation between filling the Spec position and the Extended Projection Principle(EPP). In Chomsky (1995), the EPP is a strong feature of a functional head causing the relevant feature and the residual constituent to raise. On the other hand, in the sense of Chomsky (2000), the EPP is the requirement that some functional heads must have a specifier. However, Bo kovi (2002) argues that the EPP should be eliminated. According to him, the "final EPP" follows from Case theory, and the "intermediate EPP" is filled as a result of the requirement of successive cyclicity (i.e., locality). In addition, Bo kovi (2002) claims that successive cyclicity should be required by a property of the movement itself, not by a property of intermediate heads. In this paper, we discuss whether those arguments against the EPP can be maintained or not in expletive constructions.
This paper attempts to explore the grammaticalization of the [The fact is that] construction in order to substantiate the synchronic extensions of [The fact is that] > [The fact is,] > [Fact is,] (Kim 2001, 2003a) found in the present-day corpus (COBUILD 2000). In other words, this study is to examine whether such present-day extensions can be observed historically or not. For the historical data ARCHER (A Representative Corpus of Historical English Registers) Corpus (1999) and OED (Oxford English Dictionary 1989) will be used. These data will reveal that [the fact is that] construction has evolved along the grammaticalization path: [The fact is this.] + independent sentence [The fact is that] + complement clause > [The fact is,] + main clause > [Fact is.] + main clause. To conclude, this paper verities our claim that seemingly superficial THAT deletion and THE deletion do not represent optional ommission or performance errors but fit into the systematic language changes: the present- day variations reflect different stages in historical grammaticalization.
Ess-under-ess sentences, where the so-called past tense marker -ess in the complement clause of propositional attitude verbs occurs under -ess in the matrix clause, can be interpreted differently in some contexts. To take account of the semantic difference between the ess-under-ess sentences, I argue in this paper that the semantic contrast is due to types of predicates associated with -ess. After pointing out some problems with the previous treatments of -ess, I claim that -ess shows duality in the sense that it is parallel to the past tense in some contexts and to the present perfect in other contexts. As a way of disambiguating --ess, this paper comes up with certain types of predicates. That is, the exact meaning of -ess in a given context is dependent upon the types of predicates it is combined with. The predicate types, together with the duality of -ess, bring out semantically different interpretations of ess-under-ess sentences.
Discourse is where linguistic forms are subjected to semantic and grammatical changes through meaning negotiation between interlocuters. This paper aims to describe emergence of various grammatical items from one of discourse strategies, i.e. rhetorical questions. It shows that certain rhetorical questions are grammaticalized into various grammatical markers, and sometimes into lexical items. It claims that some of these developments exhibit the reversal of intersubjectification by losing their capabilities of directly reflecting the speaker-addressee relationship; that grammaticalization and lexicalization are not entirely discrete processes but intertwined, each even making use of certain identical processes; and that grammar and lexicon, rather than being two separate entities, form a continuum.
In an effort to pave the way to understanding the syntax of the Participial Perception Verb Complements(PPVCs) in English, this paper examines various syntactic phenomena of PPVSs in light of generative grammar. By making three proposals on syntactic grounds, the parer resolves problems and answers questions surrounding the constituency, category and internal structure of PPVCs and case checking of the overt subject DP in the position right behind the perception verb. The advanced proposals are as follows: (a) PPVCs are single constituents with both nominal and clausal properties; (b) PPVCs are categorically TPs dominated by DPs in Davies and Dubinsky`s (1999) sense; (c) along the minimalist lines suggested in Chomsky (2000, 2001), the overt subject DP of PPVCs has its [-interpretable] case feature checked against the matrix perception verb as in the typical ECM construction.
The aim of this paper is to show that raising and object shift of the verbal noun are determined by agentivity and stativity of the verbal noun. The functional head ν is related to the agentive role of the subject and the transitivity of the verb (cf. Jung 2003). In Chomsky`s (1995) conception, ν is the light verb to which V overtly raises. In this vein, following Ahn (2002) and Jung (2003), we suggest that ha occupies the functional head ν, which means that it is a realization of ν. We also claim that it is the [+agentive] feature rather than the [-stative] feature of the verbal noun and the so-called light verb ha `do` that induces 0s of the verbal noun with (l)ul in the ha-construction. We further show that the verbal noun on L (i.e.. here, neutral head) undergoes raising to ha on ν at S-structure (cf. Ahn 1991), which is due to the morpho-syntactic property of ha on ν (cf. Pesetsky 1989, Ahn 2002).
The importance of explicit form-focused instruction is well recognized these days and the research has been focused on how to teach grammatical forms. Among several issues concerning instructional styles, this study deals with instructional modes: input-based and/or output-based instruction. There have been conflicting research findings regarding the efficacy of input-based or output-based instruction. To these conflicts the third view is added, which argues that input practice is better for comprehension skills ,and output practice for production skills, seeing language as one of many skills we can learn. Given this background, the present study proposed an experiment to test the argument of skill acquisition theory, and the results indicates that the specificity of practice effect in skill acquisition theory did not work for the learning of the third person singular -s of English.
This paper examines behaviors of floating quantifiers in English and Korean, and provides analyses for them. These two languages have ordinary quantifiers and numeral quantifiers. Their syntactic behaviors are a little different in two languages, and those differences also make differences in their meaning. When they do not float, they can have both cardinal and presuppositional reading. When they float, however, they have only cardinal reading. For their analyses, this paper adopts Heim`s tripartite structure and Diesing`s Mapping Hypothesis. In those analyses, when QPs are mapped into restrictive clause, they have presuppositional reading. But, when they are mapped into nuclear scope, they have cardinal reading. In sum, this paper provides some theoretical accounts for ordinary and numeral quantifiers of English and Korean.