우리나라에서는 연간 250건 이상의 해양 기름유출사고가 발생하고 있으며, 이는 지역 사회 및 환경에 큰 영향을 미친다. 국제 협약 및 국내법에서는 오염자부담의 원칙을 바탕으로 기름유출에 대한 피해 배상을 유출 당사자에게 책임지도록 하고 있으며, 민·형사적 책임 규명을 위해 유출 행위자에 대한 적극적인 조사가 이루어지고 있다. 기름 유출사고의 행위자 조사의 중요성 확대에 따라서 CEN 15522-2, ASTM D 3248 등의 표준을 이용해 기름 시료 간의 유사성 판정을 하고 있다. 이 중 가장 활발히 활용되고 있는 유럽표준인 CEN 15522-2가 2023년 EN 15522-2로 3차 개정되었다. 본 연구는 EN 15522-2를 이용하여 국내 발생한 해양 기름유출사고 시료를 분석하고, 적용 성에 대하여 확인하였다. 그 결과 경질유 유출사고가 40% 이상을 차지하는 국내 유출사고의 특징을 비춰볼 때 Adamamtanes와 같은 저비 점의 물질이 추가된 EN 15522-2의 적용은 효용성이 높은 것으로 확인되었다.

The addressee honorification marker si-marked predicate in Korean must have an honorific vocative element in Spec-Voc in order for the unchecked feature of the addressee honorification marker si on Voc to be discharged in the Spec-head relation with the vocative element in Spec-Voc in the concept of Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program, which induces the addressee honorification at the speech level. The unchecked feature of the addressee honorification marker si-ess-upnita/sey-yo) percolates from T to Voc. At this point, VocP is above CP, which is why addressee honorification and impersonal subject honorification cannot appear in the embedded clause in Korean. Imperatives with quantificational subjects in English can exhibit, in addition to second person pronouns, third person pronouns as well. This is because a bound element exhibits either the person feature of the partitive phrase binding second or third person pronoun, or default third person value, which is against S. Park (2020).

The extent damages of concrete structures due to fire occurrence are evaluated. The evaluation of fire safety is evaluated by using the inspection, non-destruction test, fracture test(concrete SEM analysis, concrete heat analysis, rebar fracture test. The criteria for determining the safety of concrete structures are presented using evaluation results.

Achievement of an intended goal can be cancelled even after it is apparently asserted. One type of challenge to telicity is the phenomenon of event cancellation. The telic interpretation and event cancellation are mutually exclusive in the morphological causative construction and the causative cwu-construction, which provides a way to verify that the morphological causative verb may be interchangeable with the causative verb cwu on v without any meaning change. The terminal node v is split into two pieces (i.e., the verbalizing v with the causative feature and (a/e)cwu with the benefactive feature, which is known as "fission" within Distributed Morphology (Halle 1997, Noyer 1997). However, the morphological causative verb interchangeable with the causative verb cwu on v cannot appear with the benefactive suffix verb (a/e) cwu on v since the two phonologically identical verbs are ruled out by the filter *cwu-cwu at PF. At this point, the lexical verb on V cannot undergo raising to the causative morpheme on v to obey the constraint.

This paper explores how the operation of the interpretive complex (hit) is derived by phase heads (C, v, D), when the non-genitive possessor in the inalienable possession construction can undergo the peripheral movement (or A`-movement). The peripheral movement is only to induce structural configuration for focus, topic, operator, etc., at the edge of a phase, rather than to maintain feature-matching for Agree (Chomsky 2004). The analysis put forward in this paper is based on Chomsky`s (2004) recent claim that the peripheral movement is a non-Agree-driven movement, or a free internal merge to the edge of a phase due to the edge feature of the phase head (cf. Yang 2005). That is, edge effects are particularly motivated by an edge feature-driven movement. PIC forces movement to proceed successive-cyclically phase by phase. Three such pieces of evidence come from observations about the peripheral movement of the non-genitive possessor, Int effect and anaphor binding.

The aim of this paper is to show that raising and object shift of the verbal noun are determined by agentivity and stativity of the verbal noun. The functional head ν is related to the agentive role of the subject and the transitivity of the verb (cf. Jung 2003). In Chomsky`s (1995) conception, ν is the light verb to which V overtly raises. In this vein, following Ahn (2002) and Jung (2003), we suggest that ha occupies the functional head ν, which means that it is a realization of ν. We also claim that it is the [+agentive] feature rather than the [-stative] feature of the verbal noun and the so-called light verb ha `do` that induces 0s of the verbal noun with (l)ul in the ha-construction. We further show that the verbal noun on L (i.e.. here, neutral head) undergoes raising to ha on ν at S-structure (cf. Ahn 1991), which is due to the morpho-syntactic property of ha on ν (cf. Pesetsky 1989, Ahn 2002).