Yong-Suk Kim. 2000. A Morpho-Syntactic Analysis of Reflexives: A Minimalist Approach. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 1-26. This study proposes a minimalist DP-analysis of the internal structure of reflexives in natural languages, along with Chomsky`s (1995) assumptions. This analysis proves that X^0-reflexives as well as XP reflexives should syntactically fall under the DP structure, as expected in Abney (1987). Consequently, the analysis uncovers the following long-pending mysteries: (i) why English has the occurrence of only phrasal reflexives; (ii) why phrasal reflexives consist of a pronominal element and a reflexive morpheme; (iii) why so many different types of reflexives are empirically identified in Korean. Besides, this study illustrates that the contrast of long-distance anaphora between X^0-reflexives and XP reflexives is attributed to the analyzability of the D head of X^0-reflexives as LF clitic, which is assumed to cliticize to a higher relevant functional category at LF.
Choe, Hyon Sook. 2000. Focus-sensitive Question and Copy Theory. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 27-48. In this paper, adopting a version of Chomsky`s (1971) conception of focus/presupposition (cf. also Dryer 1996), I suggest that yes-no question and wh-question refer to the information of focus and that the extraction of yes-no and wh-question operators (that are lexically inserted on a focus) is involved in yes-no and wh-questions. I also suggest that the concept of focus is both LF- and PF-related and that extraction in yes-no question and wh-question refers to PF-related focus information while yes-no and wh-question operators are lexically inserted on an LF-related focus (a focus category, here) so that only focus categories (which are not presupposed) can be questioned. Based on the above suggestion, I reinterpret the copy theory introduced in Chomsky (1993) by suggesting a notion of selective deletion under an hypothesis that the information on LF- and PF-related focus is syntactically available in terms of formal feature. The hypothesis makes it possible to suggest a copy theory that employs selective deletion but not QR, which is conceptually and theoretically better than a copy theory discussed in Chomsky (1993) and assumed in Chomsky (1995, 1998, 1999).
Kim Young-roung. 2000. Configurations of Floating Quantifiers. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 49-68. This paper purposes to analyse the configurational structures of floating quantifiers, and thereby reveal the proper grammatical features of floating quantifiers. I will review the general properties of floating quantifiers presented in Baltin (1995), Sportiche (1988), Giuliana Giusti (1989), and Ur Shlonsky (1991), and show the relations between NP movement and floating quantifiers in the framework of the minimalist program. Using the evidence that subjects originate in spec-VP, I will show how a floating quantifier ends up modifying the trace of a moved NP, and why a quantifier floated further away form the phrase it quantifies results in lower grammaticality.
Hee-Rahk Chae. 2000. Complements vs. Adjuncts (in Korean). Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 69-85. For a correct analysis of many grammatical phenomena, we have to figure out whether a given phrase is a complement or an adjunct of the head concerned. There are many criteria/tests to be used in determining the identity of the phrase. However, there are no syntactic criteria to rely on in Korean, which is a pro-drop language. We have only some semantic criteria, which are not always helpful in analyzing actual data. In the face of these difficulties, we propose a set of heuristic assumptions, which we think facilitate the distinction between complements and adjuncts. We will show our point with reference to the analyses of the -(u)lo and -ey-marked expressions, and the -ul/lul-marked adverbial nominals in Korean.
Pil-Hwan Lee. 2000. On the Origin of the Indirect Passive. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 87-108. Despite some controversy, it is generally accepted that the indirect passive construction(IDC) was introduced into English roughly in the 15th century. Then two relevant questions arise here; `Why the IDC was impossible in OE?` and `How the IDC could be introduced in the 15th century?` It is argued that the indirect object of OE need not and so must not be preposed to the subject position to get a case in a passive sentence, since it is inherently case-marked. Thus the impersonal passive construction could be used instead of the IDC in OE and early ME. Contrary to Lightfoot (1979a, 1979b, 1991), however, I argue that even in OE syntactic passives and lexical passives both existed, so two kinds of passive participles are derived, i.e., a neutralized category having the feature [+V] only and a full adjective [+N, +V]. The emergency of the IDC is explained by the loss of the ability of English verbs to assign an inherent case. If the indirect object is not inherently case-marked, it must move to a position where it can get a case, i. e., to the subject position, under the assumption that the passive participle cannot assign a structural case, either. The effacement between dative and accusative or the fixing of word order had only subsidiary effects on the introduction of the IDC. The disappearance of formal distinctions between dative and accusative is just a triggering factor for the loss of inherent case, which is the reason for the introduction of the IDC.
Jung, In-Gyo & Yang, Yong-seok. 2000. A Study on the Productivity of Neologism. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 109-138. The aim of this study is to analyze the morphological structure of neologisms in the novel of X-generation (1991) written by Douglas Coupland on the basis of the framework of Word Syntax (Lieber, 1992), and to suggest the paradigm of morphological derivatives and spelling module between lexicon and grammatical components. X-bar theory works well in explaining the combinational process of affixes, but the nonhead of a lexical item can be bound near its adjacent category. The results obtained are as follows.: 1) several suffixes which form ]{_(N,A)}_]N such as -ism, -ing, -ness, -ification, -tion, and -phobia have high productivity as well as syntactic adequacy. 2) the addition of formatives such as -ozo, -job, -chondria, and Quelle by a sort of blending has lower productivity. 3) the root compounding word, `-slumming` may be formulated as [[[N₁+al]+N₂]+A_(fi)] in the deep structure, and used as a pejorative. 4) spelling variations of -vul-, -o-, -to, -o- are the outcomes realized by some phonological conflations.
Haksoo Jeon & Daewoong Kang. 2000. Optimality Theoretic Analysis of English Word Stress. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 139-170. This paper approaches English word stress within the framework of Optimality Theory. We have seen that there are constraints that interact to produce correct word stress pattern. Foot structure constraints, Ft-Bin, Ft-Form, and WSP, are undominated. Therefore the trochaic footing and quantity requirement are strictly obeyed in English foot building. Non-Head(e) guarantees that underlying schwa accounts for various apparent exceptions. This paper identifies four different such subcategorization constraints : Align-to-δ, Align-in-δ, Align-to-Ft, and Align-to-PrWd. What is really interesting in this approaches that one suffix may have more than one constraint, thereby restricting its appearance in actual words. One step further, this paper shows that the present approach can also explain the so-called cyclicity effect of the stress assignment. Previous cyclical stress theory fails in explaining the difference between the derived and underived word. Therefore, this paper provides new solutions to the old problem of accounting for the difference between the derived and underived words regarding the stress assignment and wellformed word formation.
Oh, Myung-Ki. 2000. A Pragmatic Analysis of Metalinguistic Negation Phenomena. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 171-190. This paper is an attempt to show that metalinguistic negation connected with denying the appropriateness of a means of expression does not operate upon the semantic content of the sentence, but upon the manner in which the sentence is expressed. We will prove, through the examination of the well-known thirteen utterances, that this negation can indeed operate on any aspect of the utterances and on a conversational implicature as well. In order to understand the notion of metalinguistic negation, we`ll discuss the two distinctions that can be made regarding the use of negation, namely descriptive vs. metalinguistic negation and initiative vs. reactive negation, in the sense of Horn (1985, 1989) and Foolen (1991), respectively. On the basis of the two distinctions regarding the two uses of `not`, we will argue that the material falling within the scope of the metalinguistic negation is `mentioned` rather than `used`. And we`ll also argue that the metalinguistic negation under the relationship between the scalar operators such as `three`/`four` and `some`/`all` is acting on a conversational implicature associated with the pragmatic aspects.
Na, Ik-Joo. 2000. A Study on the Polysemy of the Preposition to. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 191-218. This paper aims to show that the various meanings are closely interwoven based on human cognitive mechanisms such as image schemata, metaphors and focal adjustments. Traditionally, the word `to` has been treated as a case of homonymy, and `to` as a preposition is regarded as having nothing to do with `to` as an infinitival marker. In this paper, however, it is argued that the meanings of the infinitival `to` are intimately linked to the meanings of the prepositional `to.` The two types of meanings are commonly founded on an image-schematic pattern, called a `PATH` schema. This means that `to` belongs to a case of polysemy, not homonymy. The PATH schema is composed of three parts, a starting point, an end point or destination, and a continuous series of points an entity moves or traces along. The protoypical (or central) senses of `to` are elaborated on a physical space. The other senses do not contain a physical movement on a spatial domain, but they are felt to any relation with the PATH schema. The schema underlies all the senses of `to,` whether it is used as a preposition or as a grammatical marker. The schema is elaborated on various domains like time, visual perception or cognition, communication, state, through a cognitive mechanism named subjectification and various metaphors such as STATES ARE LOCATIONS, TIME IS SPACE, CHANGE IS MOVEMENT, and VISION IS A MOVABLE THING.
Bok-hee Lee. 2000. Context Change Potential of Question. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 219-235. The theoretical objective in this paper is to elaborate the notion of context change potential to include an account of interrogatives. In general, a question is a focusing device rather than a source of information. Questions and answers are looked at here in their guise as dynamic, interactive linguistic events, rather than as static semantic objects. A great deal of previous research in File Change Semantics and Discourse Representation Theory shows that certain expressions affect whether or not a given phrase may be understood as the antecedent of a subsequent anaphor. I develop an account dealing specifically with anaphora with antecedents in questions in section 5 where the context change potential of questions is spelled out. The account developed here will provide a possibility of integrating questions into context change discourse theory.