간행물
현대문법연구 KCI 등재 Studies in Modern Grammar
- 발행기관 현대문법학회
- 자료유형 학술지
- 간기 계간
- ISSN 1226-3206 (Print)2713-5780 (Online)
- 수록기간 1992 ~ 2021
- 주제분류 인문학 > 언어학 인문학 분류의 다른 간행물
- 십진분류KDC 745DDC 425
권호리스트/논문검색
제75권 (2013년 12월) 10건
1.
2013.12
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This paper attempts to offer a plausible syntactic structure of the complement of the perception verb po- 'see' from Korean and English. The core of the proposals is that the perception verb complement is an incomplete clause, lower than TP and higher than vP, which is syntactically realized as an Event Phrase, and that this EventP contains a Voice Phrase. It is also suggested that the EventP involves an event operator, which is then controlled by the event argument assigned by the matrix perception verb, thereby accounting for the fact that the event time is simultaneous with the perception time. It will be shown that the current proposals can well account for various syntactic and semantic properties of the perception verb complements.
2.
2013.12
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Korean particle <-ka> has long been simply known as a subject marker. But subjects without <-ka> are very often realized in sentences, and they are always accompanied by the constraint on the correspondence between linear order and thematic role of the constituents. Besides, the subjects without <-ka> are sometimes not allowed in accordance with several syntactic/semantic properties of the subjects and their predicates, in very complicated ways. Traditional view on <-ka> cannot explain these phenomena. In this article, we adopt Bowers (2001)'s PrP Hypothesis and many-folded predicate structure to solve these puzzles. It's claimed that [Spec, PrP] is the position of the optional realization of <-ka>. The nominal which merges with <-ka> has theta positions of [ComP, VP] or [Spec, PrP], and its case is licensed in-situ through agreement under c-command of an Agr <-si/∅> which is placed directly after a verb stem as a subject honorific marker, in derivations of finite clauses. The optionally projected morphological features of <-ka> attract the nominal, and the lexical meaning of <-ka>(focus etc.) is added after the merge. It is the structurally determined position of <-ka> and the theta positions varied by the argument structures of different predicates that explain why some subjects without <-ka> are not allowed and the linear orders of other constructions are constrained. On the other hand, the projection and merge of <-ka> is necessary when the nominals are semantic restrictions of operators of which arguments are propositions. It seems quite natural that the meaning of <-ka>(focus etc.) is necessarily added to the restrictions because the semantic constituents contain important informations which prevent domains of operation from expanding massively.
3.
2013.12
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Korean has a special kind of relative construction in which the head noun surfaces clause-internally. In that sense, the construction is called internally headed relative clause (IHRC or head internal relative clause HIRC). The IHRC is peculiar in that it has the shape of the complement clause of a factive predicate but is used as the complement of a non-factive predicate referring to its posited head. As the IHRC is not a phenomenon uniquely observed in Korean, much work has been devoted to finding its nature in many languages, and fruitful results have been presented. As for Korean IHRCs in particular, our special interest is in Chung’s (1996, 1999) analysis, in which IHRCs are treated as non-relative clauses. In this paper, I try to come up with an analysis that supports this idea but treats the construction in question in a slightly different way.
4.
2013.12
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This study aims to analyze Spanish mirativity construction. Mirativity refers to the linguistic marking of an utterance that represents an information which is new or unexpected to the speaker. Therefore, mirative constructions show the speaker's emotional state, that is to say, surprise. There are many means that could express speaker's surprise, such as exclamatory expressions, admirative tone, etc. However, in this paper I attempt to investigate the existence in Spanish of a mirative form that could be recognized as a grammatical category. In Korean, there is a modal suffix, for example, ‘-ne’, ‘-gun(a)’, which expresses surprise and new information. In Spanish, the verbal past tense and perfect aspect, such as imperfect, present perfect, pluperfect, could be used to represent mirativity in the present. I argue that Spanish tense and aspect should be recognized as a grammatical category that express mirativity. Furthermore, I attempt to analyze a derivational process of the mirative constructions comparing with the exclamative constructions.
5.
2013.12
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This paper investigates Multiple Sluicing in English. Nishigauchi (1998) and Lasnik (2013) analyze Multiple Sluicing as a construction in which the first wh-phrase escapes from the deletion site by leftward wh-movement, whereas the second remnant undergoes rightward movement, and then TP deletion follows. Lasnik specifically argues that the rightward movement of the second remnant is extraposition. However, these analyses cannot explain why the second remnant is typically [+wh]. To solve this problem, this paper shows that the second remnant undergoes a two-step rightward movement; it first moves to a vP adjunction position via extraposition, and then it undergoes focus movement to Foc(us)P. To explain the upward boundedness of the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing, we propose that the rightward movement can be iterative insofar as it satisfies the Order Preservation (Fox and Pesetsky 2003, 2005; Sabbagh 2007). We suggest that when the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing undergoes focus movement, it does not make an order contradiction; therefore, the two-step movement of the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing constructions is allowed.
6.
2013.12
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There has been controversy over the nature of so-called pseudo-resultatives in English which are usually placed at the end of sentences like Mary braided her hair tight. The issue is whether they are adverbs (or adverb phrases) that perform as adjuncts or adjectives (or adjective phrases) that act as complements. Drawing on both existing and novel arguments and evidence, it is argued that they are adjectives or adjective phrases that function as complements of the verb (or verb phrase). Under the complex predicate hypothesis, it is suggested that a pseudo-resultative adjective immediately combines with a so-called verb of creation to form a semantic and grammatical unit between whose parts a direct object can be interposed. A construction-based analysis of this unit is also proposed treating it as a template that is stored in the lexicon with a constructional meaning and perhaps fused therein with their parts. The notion of representational modularity is employed to formalise the proposed analysis, and notes are made towards a unified account.
7.
2013.12
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This study aims to provide both synchronic and diachronic accounts for NC in OE. Concerning the single negative relation in NC, the hypothesis is proposed that n-words in NC carry the [uNEG] feature which should be matched against the [iNEG] feature of the functional head Neg via the syntactic operation of Agree. Nevertheless, textual investigation reveals that the frequency of NC in OE radically differs depending on the period of authorship: its relative paucity in EOE and predominance in LOE. The emergence of NC in OE is associated with the diachronic reduction of the XP sentential negator into the X0 Neg, since only the X0 Neg takes the [iNEG] feature matching with the [uNEG] feature of n-words. Subsequently, the introduction of n-words can be understood as a solution to reinforce weakened sentential negation. Through the process of grammaticalization, one of those n-words becomes a second negator with the XP status, starting on its way to negative cycle.
8.
2013.12
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This paper aims to examine hedging expressions expressed by epistemic modal auxiliaries and to analyze their grammatical function, intrinsic meaning and scope in English. Meaning difference in sentences merged with an epistemic modal auxiliary is revealed by the scope parameter between the unmarked and marked interpretation of it. At the C-I interface, the unmarked use of an epistemic modal auxiliary doesn't contribute to the truth-conditional meaning, whereas the marked use of it sometimes contributes to the truthconditional meaning. An epistemic modal auxiliary moves to C from T at the C-I interface, then it functions subjectively as a discourse-related information marker connoting an illocutionary force feature there. But when it functions objectively at T without movement, an epistemic modal auxiliary links thematic relation to its subject. In order to confirm the scope of epistemic modals, 20 native speakers checked the grammaticality of sentences that containing both an epistemic modal auxiliary and a quantifier concurrently. The result shows that all the native speakers interpret the epistemic modal auxiliary as denoting wide scope, but they don’t agree one another on the interpretation of it as denoting narrow scope.
9.
2013.12
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This paper aims to examine problematic areas in assessing children’s language learning, suggesting key solutions to the problems arising from different types of assessment. A critical evaluation of a variety of alternative assessment methods provided several teaching implications. First, assessment needs to be conducted through informal tests in which the learners cannot notice that they are being assessed. Although assessing young learners needs to be compatible with the more accessible learning such as activities used everyday in their classroom, coping with instructions for classroom activities needs to be handled with care. Assessing young learners through group or pair works can be more effective to enhance social and communicational skills than traditional tests. However, equity in relation to their participation in the activities, their English knowledge, and learning experience needs to be taken into serious consideration. Finally, more attempts to promote teacher-student interaction through student journals and conferencing assessment need to be made, even though this would not be culturally preferred learning style in Korea. This paper may thus give solutions for effective ways of assessing young learners from multiple perspectives rather than depending on only one assessment instrument.
10.
2013.12
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This study looks into tone patterns in address form of truncated personal names in North Kyungsang Korean (NK). Address forms of personal names usually take three patterns. One form is made of a family name followed by a given name as in Kim Myung Ja. The second form is made up of a given name followed by vocative particle –a/-ya as in Myung Ja-Ya. The third is a truncated formfromthe final syllable of a given name followed by a vocative particle as in Ja-Ya. As for the tones in NK, it is found here that the tone of a given name address formis always predictable. Regardless of the tone of a family name, the tone of a given name is repeated in a given name address formwhere a vocative particle is assumed to be L. But, things are a little different when it comes to truncated address form. The syllable type of truncated names decides the tone of address form[HH] and [HL] such that the former is for a heavy syllable and the latter for a light syllables.An exceptional [HL] tone in heavy syllables is found in truncated nameswith a nasal coda, evincing the influence of segments on tones. Another kind of exception for the [HL] tone in heavy syllableswith a nasal coda is related with the availability of truncated names as separate common nouns, where the attested tone is [HH] instead of [HL].
