The goal of this paper is double-folded. First, it is argued that the hybrid approach to multiple sluicing (Chang and Kim (2013)) makes better predictions than the leftward movement approach (Takahashi (1994), Richards (1997, 2001), Merchant (2001), Park and Kang (2007), Park (2014)); and the paper attempts to provide a possible solution to some of the empirical data, which Richards (2001) and Park and Kang (2007) report are challenging to the gapping approach (Nishigauchi (1998), Lasnik (2007, 2011)), the precursor of the hybrid approach. In doing so, this paper suggests updating Chang and Kim’s hybrid approach by extending Weir’s (2014) analysis of embedded sluicing (and fragment answers) in English. According to Weir, embedded sluicing is possible only when there are two CPs selected by bridging verbs and a limited set of non-bridging verbs, and this paper argues that multiple sluicing is an additional case that supports the existence of two CPs in embedded sluicing. Secondly, it is demonstrated that multiple sluicing in English is an empirical case that is not correctly predicted by Barros’s (2014) Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis—namely that the sluicing of a cleft or a copular clause whose antecedent is not a cleft or a copular clause is another case of sluicing.
This paper aims to address grammaticalization of a defective verb takuta, focusing on its conjugated particle -taka in the construction of [noun/pronoun + case particle + taka], e.g., ultaka ‘Acc+taka,’ eytaka ‘Loc+taka,’ (u)lotaka ‘Inst+taka,’ hantheytaka ‘Dat+taka,’ eykeytaka ‘Dat+taka,’ yekitaka1 ‘here+taka,’ etc. In MK takuta regularly corresponded to Chinese characters 把/將(pha/cang) in translated forms, signifying ‘to possess,’ ‘to maintain,’ or ‘to grasp.’ The transitive verb takuta developed into an intransitive verb, an auxiliary, a particle, a connective marker, and a prefix, etc. Its meaning ‘to draw near’ emerged in process of grammaticalization from its origin. Taka in the construction of [noun/pronoun + case particle + taka] can be contracted to just ta. The deletion of -taka does not affect the grammaticality of the construction, but nullifies emphasis which a speaker intends to express. Its grammaticalization will be accounted for by the mechanisms such as analogy, reanalysis, de-categorization, generalization, subjectification, etc. Usaged-based corpus analysis shows the diachronic and synchronic trend of -taka in Korean.
English much of an N' (henceforth, MOA) construction (e.g., It’s not much of a problem.) consists of quantifiers like much, more/less, enough, little and of-an-NP to intensify the indefinite singular degree NP. In this paper, we first review basic properties of the construction, focusing on the relation between the gradability of the NP and its predicativeness. In particular, after investigating authentic corpus data of the MOA, we provide a qualitative and quantitative analysis which allows a constraint-based approach in accounting for various syntactic as well as semantic properties of the construction.
In this study, I argue that appositives in the traditional sense and afterthoughts should be treated as a single construction. Afterthoughts share the attested properties of appositives, differing only in linear position. Therefore, I refer to appositives that appear adjacent to the anchor as anchor-adjacent appositives and those that appear non-adjacent to the anchor as afterthought appositives. Within the framework of Constructionbased HPSG, I show that the parenthetical properties of anchor-adjacent and afterthought appositives can be accounted for without having to assume a noncanonical structure. Syntactically, appositives are integrated into the host clause as NP-adjuncts. Specifically, I propose a new subtype of the headmodifier- cx(construction): head-parenthetical-modifier -cx. In terms of semantics, I propose a new semantic dimension to deal with parenthetical elements, inspired by Potts’ (2005) work.
This paper analyzes the diachronic change of complement form from the that-clause into the to- infinitive clause, which is headed by a deontic predicative adjective. The rise of to-infinitive clauses and the decline of that-clauses from ME seemed to be caused by analogy and assimilation between verbal and adjectival mandative constructions. The analogical change was triggered by language internal factors such as the loss of inflections, word order reanalysis and the development of control construction as well as the principle of event integration and clause union, complexity principle and accessibility theory. In the deontic adjectival complement clause, the toinfinitive clause has been keeping roughly 3:1 to the that-clause from ModE up to PDE. In addition, adjectival complements with to-infinitives have shown less abrupt and more constrained than verbal complements with to-infinitives. Such developmental process is related to the constraint on the syntactic operation that substitutes to-infinitive clauses for that-clauses. In fact, the that-clause could be changed into the to-infinitive clause only if the thatclause functions as a logical subject in the deontic adjectival complement clause. Futhermore, deontic adjectives can't be merged with an animate subject since predicative adjectives of this type don't connote subject-oriented activity.
This paper investigates a unified semantic treatment of the variation in the interpretation arising from would-conditional constructions within Kratzer’s (1991) framework of modality. According to Kratzer’s framework, the modal base and the ordering source are two important parameters that are involved in disambiguating modalized expressions. However, this paper argues that the ordering sources, rather than the modal base, play a crucial role in disambiguating the different interpretations of would-conditionals. Establishing different ordering sources for the different interpretations can resolve the ambiguity of wouldconditionals. In conjunction with this, this paper proposes a unified semantic treatment of would-conditionals with a change of the ordering sources. On the basis of this, this paper shows that the variation in the interpretation can be analyzed in a uniform way by making would-conditionals quantify over different possible worlds, depending on which interpretation is preferable. We can account for how they quantify over different worlds by positing the different ordering sources, but not the modal base.
This study investigates Korean speakers' interpretations of the Korean polymorphemic reflexive caki-casin with respect to interactions between its traditionally assumed syntactic requirements and pragmatic conditions for its interpretational preferences. Despite the fact that caki-casin is poly-morphemic, the study on the interpretations of caki-casin in this paper shows that the behavior of caki-casin differs from that of the English poly-morphemic himself in that it is sensitive to the pragmatic information for its interpretations. With manipulation of pragmatic information, Korean speakers showed a tendency to choose a non-local antecedent or even a non-c-commanding one despite the presence of syntactically legitimate local or c-commanding potential antecedent.
This study revisits prosodic phrasing in North Kyungsang Korean (NK), focusing on intonational phrase (I-phrase). Based on the observation in Kim (1988) that a boundary low tone appears at the right edge of I-phrase, the present study shows in a constraint-based framework that I-phrasing is recursive and that the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints leads to a better description of I-phrasing in NK. Match Clause constraints (Selkirk 2011), faithfulness constraints, are employed to show the direct relation between surface syntactic clause edges and I-phrase edges. Even though it defies Non-Recursivity of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (Selkirk 1984, 1966), Equal Sisters constraint (Myrberg 2013), a markedness constraint, is shown to resolve the mismatch between syntactic and prosodic constituent edges by demanding the same prosodic category among prosodic sisters. Also shown here is that recursive I-phrasing is due to the ranking of Equal Sisters above Match Clause constraints. We provide one more piece of evidence for recursive prosodic phrasing by showing how I-phrases are formed in NK.
In research Methods sections, the past tense is conventionally used. The verbs in the Methods section often deviate from the norm; Present-tensed verbs occasionally appear in the section. Through a preliminary analysis of Methods sections from 10 published journal articles, this study argues that verbs in the Methods section go exceptional when a certain concept is consistently involved. The characterization ‘coincidence in accessibility to information’ turns out to account for present-tensed verbs in the Methods section. Another supplementary analysis of Methods sections from 10 master's theses suggests student writers' uncertainty of the tense usage in the rhetorical section of Methods. The characterization proposed here may contribute to student writers' confident use of the present tense in research Methods sections.
According to the Simple Descriptive Rule of subject- verb agreement, the process of that in English can be described as singular subjects take singular verbs and plural subjects take plural verbs. Although this descriptive rule for subject-verb agreement looks simple, there are several prescriptive rules for the agreement such as form-based traditional rules, meaning-based principle of notional concord, principle of proximity, attraction, and other mechanical rules. Among them, the phenomenon of attraction denotes that when subject has the complex noun phrases, the verb tends to agree with another noun in its vicinity. The current study aims to examine the tendency of attraction with Korean learners of English; to investigate how this mechanism facilitates speakers' resolution of number mismatches and their number agreement processing during sentence production.