In this paper, we examine the evidence for the phase theory of movement (Chomsky 2000, 2001), in the context of Tagalog, arguing in particular that Tagalog has overt morphology that signals movement of arguments to check EPP on the head of the νP phase. We show that this morphology interacts with extraction in ways which Chomsky`s theory leads us to expect, and develop a theory of the Tagalog facts which also accounts for the effects of Huang`s (1982) CED.
This paper focuses on differential scope-taking options of various quantifier classes. A critique is presented of a recent influential account based on feature-checking A-bar movements of the various quantifier classes to specialized functional projections, proposed by Beghelli and Stowell (B&S) (1994, 1995, 1997) and Szabolcsi (1997). We reject B&S`s theory on the grounds that it (i) cannot capture the clause-boundedness of the scope of universals, (ii) it creates a conceptual redundancy, (iii) it both undergenerates and overgenerates. It is argued, contra Szabolcsi, that Hungarian with its overt A-bar movements does not in fact furnish overt evidence for such an account: (i) projections proposed by Szabolcsi do not parallel those of B&S, (ii) Hungarian exhibits a radical scopal freedom within the postverbal field, (iii) some predicted overt movements do not actually take place. The model proposed here incorporates Quantifier Raising for GQs, existential closure over choice function variables as in Reinhart (1997) for bare numeral indefinites, and A-reconstruction. We build on Krifka (1999) in taking modified numeral indefinites to involve focus on the numeral, and we argue that A- reconstruction for scope across modified numeral indefinites is generally blocked, falling under a variety of quantificational intervention discussed recently in Boeckx (2001). It is demonstrated that this approach, combining independent recent results, is empirically accurate in treating differing scope interactions of various quantifier classes.
In this paper, we aim to offer a new perspective on the study of Light Verb Constructions in Korean. This study is based on a rather comprehensive survey on the literature dealing with major issues concerning the constructions. However, we do not simply list major works on each of the issues. We try to come up with a critical review on them issue by issue, from a consistent viewpoint, which is mainly from HR Chae (1996a, 1996b, 1997 and 2002). This viewpoint leads us to posit some guidelines, which are to be seriously considered in analyzing the constructions.
Arguing for the Extended Projection Principle (EPP)--the subject position must be filled in overt syntax, Lasnik and Park (L&P, 2003) claim that the Subject Condition effect in sluices is derived from a PF chain processing mechanism on the first chain first processing basis. This paper, however, argues that this should be achieved through the opposite ordering of chain processing to avoid problems arising from L&P. Pointing out that the Subject Condition conceived as a condition on derivation is needed, this paper proposes alternative derivation of the sluices involving PP extraction out of subject that can avoid a violation of the Subject Condition. The representation resulting from this alternative derivation is then subject to a condition similar to the Proper Binding Condition, and the redemption effect in sluices is thus naturally obtained by Sluicing. This paper also offers a possibility of deriving the EPP effect from the Case Filter differently from L&P.
It is claimed in the literature (e.g., Suh 1990, Sohn 1995, etc.) that an NPI freezes the scope relation between a quantifier (QP) and negation: a QP to the left of an NPI scopes over negation and a QP to the right of an NPI scopes under negation. (A QP scopes over or under negation when no NPI is around.) The scope freezing effect induced by NPIs has been accounted for by (often tacitly made) assumptions that (i) NPIs are in the scope of negation; (ii) the negation scope is NegP; and (iii) NPIs are licensed at the SPEC of NegP. This paper first provides sets of data showing that the so-called scope freezing effect is not a well established generalization. Once the scope freezing effect turns out to be an illusion, theories based on the generalization should be reconsidered. Thus, this paper discusses some related issues and leads to the following conclusions: (i) NegP does not necessarily indicate the negation scope: (ii) NPIs may be located outside of negation scope at least in some environments, where they have a Free Choice reading; and (iii) contra Sells (2001), the NPI distribution in Korean cannot be captured in terms of the `command` relation but in terms of the `government` relation based on Chung`s (1995) typology of negation licensing.
This paper aims to clarify the existence of `Reduced` NPs (henceforth RNPs) in English whose head nouns are missing, as in "... sequences like these φ...," "The following φ are further examples of ...," "The first φ to arrive was Betty ...", in comparison with other types of NPs. Underlying this is an assumption that every type of NPs except pronouns has its head noun in it in the underlying form. This paper shows that the occurrence of RNPs is semantically constrained by such relations as those of partiality, equality, comparison, sequentiality, and exemplification, among others. The paper attempts to reinterpret the suggested semantic constraints in terms of scalar relations for the generality and simplicity of exposition. As a result, for the felicitous RNPs, one condition is proposed which specifies the disallowance of the SUPERORDINATE-TO relation and, on the other hand, a tendency for the choice of the RNPs between the two related NPs which are in the COORDINATE-TO relation is suggested, specifying that the choice of the head to be omitted depends on sub-types of semantic relation.
This study is to show the inadequacy of OT-based analyses of opacity, thus defending rule-based analyses. Analyses in the OT`s framework such as Two-Level Constraints, Sympathy Theory, OO- Correspondence Relation, and Local Conjunction of constraint are found to be inappropriate or costly in solving the problem of opacity in Kyungsang dialect of Korean. Post-Obstruent Tensing applies opaquely in close relation to Consonant Cluster Simplification, where violation marks for the opaque candidate and its transparent counterpart are in a proper subset relation. In such a case, any OT-based analysis suffers theoretical strictures.
The purpose of this paper is to describe and classify various relics found in English and to account for linguistic motivations behind the existence of relics by looking at their linguistic contexts. Although there are previous studies of relics, most of them focused on either a single particular form or a mere taxonomy of some relics, even the latter being rare. No systematic studies have been done about the linguistic context retaining relics. The examination of phoneme, morpheme, meaning, word, construction, and word order relics shows that compounds, affixation, and idiomatic phrases tend to retain relics. It is argued that the formulaic property of those linguistic expressions motivates the occurrence of a relic, whereby the syntactic and semantic structures of the expressions become so opaque as to be unfeasible for a linguistic change.
The rise of multiple negation which bears negative concord can be explained in terms of the word order change from (S)XV having preverbal predicate negation to (S)VX having postverbal predicate negation in the history of English language. In a multiple negative sentence with V2 where a second negative adverb appears in the second stage of the Jespersen`s negative cycle, the first negator performs the grammatical function of focalization in the Spec of CP and the second one confirms the negative meaning in 1P. The linguistic circumstances in which ne.....na ̄/no ̄>na ̄ht/no ̄ht was preferred to ne seem to be closely related to the grammatical function of focalization which was realized in the syntactic structure of V2. The head C in V2 word order has a focus feature as the uninterpretable EPP-feature of OCC, and this feature induces the operation Agree that is accompanied by the internal Merge of a focus element. It is widely recognized that the negator ne in CP has come to be weak and cliticized, but it is still treated as an independent constituent in the multiple negative sentences with V2.
The primary purpose of this paper is to descriptively analyze the syntactic aspects of the Middle English version of Letter of Alexander the Great to Aristotle. Of the three extant ME manuscripts, examined was Dimarco & Perelman`s edition (1978) chiefly based on the manuscript in Cambridge, University Library MS. Mm.5.29 which is believed to be virtually identical to the Latin origin. The main concerns of this paper are focused on the linear orders of such phrases as noun/adject, verb/adverb, genitive/noun, and preposition/noun, and some syntactic aspects are also discussed on passive, tense, word order patterns, etc.