This article examines (the frequency of) the progressive passive construction (e.g. is being taken) in Present-day English. Through the examination of the large-scale corpora such as COCA, COHA, BNC, we found out that the frequency of this construction is very low. In particular, the frequency of the complex construction, containing more than three auxiliaries like may be being taken / has been being taken / may have been being taken, is much lower. Thus we need to answer why the frequency is so low. We propose a formula predicting the frequency of the complex construction like ([Frequency of the Complex A-B Construction] ≤ ([Frequency of the A Construction] × [Frequency of the B Construction]). According to this formula, the frequency of the progressive passive is directly related to the frequency of the progressive and that of the passive. The progressive is increasing these days, but the passive is rapidly decreasing, especially in AmE. This fact is reflected in the decrease of the progressive passive construction. Another (minor) reason of the low frequency is that some other rival constructions, e.g. the passival and the get-passive, are used, along with the progressive passive.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate Discourse Markers (DMs) used by NNETs (non-native English Teacher) and NETs (native English Teacher). DMs play a significant role in communication to develop ideas and to relate them to one another. Four sub-objectives of the present study were: (1) How do non-native English teachers differ from native English teachers in their most frequent use of DMs (2) What is the most frequently used DM and how frequently does it occur in both groups, (3) What are the prevailing functions of the DMs employed in both groups, and (4) What are the implications for teaching L2 learners and the training of Korean English teachers? The encoded DMs offer a reservoir of DMs from six NETs and NNETs teachers` DM usages when teaching in class. The data were based on the video recorded data analysis performed by six NETs and six NNETs at a Korean university. First, they were analyzed by the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), and then classified according to Brinton`s (1996) inventory of items and Schiffrin`s (1987) classification. It is concluded that both NNETs and NETs more frequently consider coherent discourse by using DMs in an interactive situation that requires speakers to draw upon communicative knowledge and pragmatic resources. This may be because NNETs and NETs have different normative pragmatics (Sellars, 1969) of language. Therefore, more research and attention should be redirected to DMs to emphasize pragmatic use of English in teachers` training programs.
English conditional constructions can be realized as inverted ones, but the question remains what trigger the inversion and what kind of differences exist between the canonical and inverted conditional constructions. This paper supports the claim that the constructions are basically motivated by the information structure while inheriting general properties from the more general constructions, SAI (Subject-Aux-Inversion) ones.
According to the PF merge hypothesis on the formation of inflected verbs in Korean (J. H.-S. Yoon 1993, 1994, 1997, Park 1994, J.-M. Yoon 1996, among others), so-called pre-final and final verbal endings independently project at syntax, and merge with the head of the preceding phrase at PF. One consequence of this hypothesis is that a predicate, i.e., a verb stem aug- mented with inflectional endings, is not a constituent at syntax. Chung (2009a, 2011) attributes some syntactic behaviors (immobility and undelet- ability) of embedded predicates to the very non-constituent status of predicates. This paper discusses two types of apparent challenges for the PF merge hypothesis: (I) Predicates in certain constructions appear to be syntactically active; and (II) a string of elements that is defined as a constituent ? la the PF merge hypothesis appears to be syntactically inert. It will be demonstrated, however, that neither type of challenges necessarily disproves the PF-merge hypothesis: As for the type (I) challenges, there are alternative derivations available; and as for the type (II) challenges, the syntactic inertness comes from independently motivated morphological requirements.
Chung (2001) claims that non-final conjuncts without overt tense morphemes which produce asymmetric tense interpretations are to be analyzed as TP; and Lee (2005) argues that the verbal honorific affix -si- never occurs in non-final conjuncts so honorific agreement between the subject and the verb takes place in the final conjunct only and thus the Korean gapping constructions should be analyzed as vP coordination. However, these two previous analyses seem to fail to make the generalizations on the distributional behaviors of gapping constructions, facing theoretical and empirical difficulties. To solve the problems they face, we claim that verbal gapping in Korean is allowed to occur in all non-final conjuncts when the covert predicates of the non-final conjuncts have an identical semantic relation value with that of the overt verb in the final conjunct, regardless of the consistency of the honorific and tense values between conjuncts.
In spite of numerous theoretical studies on sentential negation in Korean (an V for short form negation and V-ci anh for long form negation) in the literature, much of the discussion has focused on its abstract features, relying on the researcher`s intuition or introspective judgment of limited sources. This paper presents an empirical observation by investigating the actual distribu- tion of sentential negation in corpus, based on the Sejong Spoken Corpus. Two analyses of sentential negation were done: frequency analysis and compatibility with predicate types. The frequency analysis revealed that long form negation was used more often than short form negation. The analysis in terms of compatibility with predicate types showed that long form negation appeared more frequently with Sino-Korean predicates and with adjectival predicates than short form negation. The findings were discussed in relation to register variation and discourse strategies.
This paper newly notes that a repeated verbal complex in Korean can have a polarity and observes its distributional properties. In particular, this paper closely examines what kind of structure this complex will have when it displays aspects of negative polarity item (NPI). For this purpose, this paper compares two structures, head-final and head-initial, and advocates the latter, thereby leading to the claim that Korean is underlyingly head-initial.
The purpose of this paper is to give a pragmatic and sociocultural description of the discourse particle (DP) ani ``no`` in Korean. From a sociocultural perspective, a variety of discourse functions of ani are analyzed as a product of high-context communication strategies, which put interactional relationships before information delivery. For the pragmatic analysis, following Lee(1996, 2011), I assume that the DP ani has one basic sense that the speaker has a different view, and demonstrate that all the pragmatic uses of the DP can be inferred from the basic sense in accordance with the Gricean Cooperative Principle; different from the previous studies, ani is analyzed not as representing the speaker`s negative attitude, but as a difference-representing DP.
Among the appearances of fictive motion, there are the cases which don`t have motion verbs though they present motion. And fictive motion with motion verbs can be divided into two categories, one for tangible objects and the other for intangible objects. As a result, fictive motion can be classified into three categories, fictive motion without motion verbs, fictive motion with motion verbs for tangible objects and fictive motion with motion verbs for intangible objects. The purpose of this study is to search for the cognitive mechanisms of these three different categories, After investigating them, this study will show the differences and common features of the different categories of fictive motion.