Stuart Davis. 2001. The Distribution of Aspirated Stops and /h/ in American English. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 1-23. Languages that have both aspirated stops and the phoneme /h/ frequently manifest a close parallel in their distribution. Previous work in phonology either has failed to recognize this close parallel or does not formally account for it. For example, virtually none of the work on American English phonology observes the similarity of distribution that exists between /h/ and aspirated stops. In this paper we illustrate the close parallelism and then offer an analysis of it within Optimality Theory. The organization of this paper is as follows. In Section I we present the data that show the parallel distribution between /h/ and aspirated stops in American English. In Section 2 we develop an optimality-theoretic analysis accounting for the distribution of aspirated stops and /h/ in American English in a unified way. In Section 3 we discuss two other possible approaches in accounting for the distribution of /h/ and aspirated stops in American English and note their shortcomings. Finally, in Section 4 we briefly consider the distribution of aspiration and /h/ beyond American English and show the range of distribution patterns that are predicted to occur under the optimality-theoretic approach.
Soonhyun Hong. 2001. Output-oriented Sonorants in Korean. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 25-46. Korean input /l/ is realized differently on the output: either [l], [r], or [n]. Input /n/ is realized differently on the surface, being crucially affected by a neighboring /l/. In this paper, we are going to show that the surface realizations of the input coronal sonorants /l/ and /n/ crucially depend on syllable structure, the Feature Geometry, and geminate structure. We will demonstrate that surface realizations of input /l/ may be correctly predicted even without triggering the controversial issue of whether or not the coda position in Korean is weighted. In addition, we observe that regressive lateral assimilation is consistently blocked across a word edge, though bi-directional lateral assimilation is observed elsewhere. We try to explain these phenomena in the framework of Optimality Theory.
Sun-Woong Kim. 2001. A Study on the EPP in the Minimalist Program: the EPP as a PF Requirement. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 47-66. The general aim of this paper is to explore the nature and role of the EPP within the Minimalist Program of generative grammar. This paper draws the conclusion that the EPP effect is captured by V to I head movement. Specifically, the EPP effect will be shown to be a side effect or epiphenomena of the head movement at PF (Chomsky 1999) plus an effect of configurationally defined θ-theory. This conclusion will be shown to remedy drawbacks of recent proposals of Kim (2000) and Jang (2000). This paper also attempts to reject the morphological feature checking approach to the EPP, whether it is a categorial feature checking or a Case feature checking. Furthermore, if head movement is a PF process, it can be concluded that the EPP effect is eventually a PF requirement that the Spec-T must be filled with some category that contains argumenthood in it. If the conclusions of this paper are on the right track, Lasnik`s (2000) doubt that only the EPP is configurational can be solved in a natural way.
Jaecheol Lee. 2001. Antecedent Contained Deletion and LF Pied Piping. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 67-90. In this paper, we prove that LF pied-piping is required for the resolution of Antecedent Contained Deletion(ACD), and that the theory-internal motives for the LF pied-piping results from economy considerations; LF convergence and the Last Resort. ACD resolution requires LF pied piping of an entire phrase out of categories that contain it. We argue that the LF pied-piping movements by Quantifier Raising and Rightward movement are triggered for the purpose of resolving the infinite regress problem in ACD configuration. Both movements are necessary to satisfy Full Interpretation at LF. We propose that QR is driven by a QU-feature, which triggers LF pied-piping of a quantificational expression in ACD configuration. The checking of QU-feature arises because the interpretively redundant QU-features on QP and its target are not allowed at the interface, which result in the violation of the principle of full interpretation. Rightward movement is driven by the Last Resort, chosen only when QR cannot occur in ACD construction.
Eun-Ji Lee. 2001. Absolute/Relative Tense and Identification of Tense in Korean Predicative Clause. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 91-109. In this paper, we examine the tense property of Korean predicative clauses. We show that subordinate clauses, regardless of whether they are nonfinite or finite, derive relative tense interpretation, whereas main clauses, which are all finite, derive absolute tense interpretation. For the case of nonfinite (subordinate) clauses, these clauses are similar to the nonfinite clauses in English. In this case, given no overt tense markers, tense is unspecified and anaphoric, yielding relative tense interpretation. In the case of finite subordinate clauses, where one of (nu)n and e/ass is present, these markers however are not tense, that is, they do not function as tense, but something else (probably aspect). Hence, tense in this case is unspecified and anaphoric, deriving relative tense interpretation. Finally, in the case of main clauses, which are always finite, (nu)n and e/ass are tense markers and function as tense. So, tense is specified, deriving absolute tense interpretation.
Seongha Rhee. 2001. Grammaticalization of Verbs of Cognition and Perception. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 111-135. This paper is an exploration of the grammaticalization phenomena displayed by the verbs of cognition and perception. Drawing upon cross-linguistically attested data, this paper shows that verbs of cognition and perception predominantly grammaticalize into epistemic markers. This is a natural consequence because the grammaticalized markers exhibit semantic residue of the source items, which, in this case, make direct reference to the sources of the human construal of the world affairs. This paper explicates how other grammatical functions are developed from these verbs. In so doing it also argues that the features that are selected for grammaticalization are those that are experientially salient features in conceptual event schemas.
Young-Soon Kim. 2001. Discourse Functional Interpretation of the Word Order Variation. Studies Modern Grammar 24, 137-159. In many linguistic studies there has been a dichotomy between formal and functional approaches. This paper will attempt to connect the two approaches because linguistic expressions always simultaneously have formal grammatical properties and functional pragmatic properties. In order to do it, this study explains the concept of the discourse-grammar, demonstrates the discourse-grammar relationship of Korean, German, and English, and deals with the motivation of word order variation in English. There are expressions of discourse functions in English, for example, the left attachment and the right attachment. The former has the interpretation of marked topicalization and the latter has the effect of creating a new focus of statement. The outline of results in this study is as follows: Korean and German are pragmatical languages, which make use of grammatical means to cope with discourse-functional requirements in quite a different way from English.
Sang Woo Han. 2001. An SIOV Hypothesis for Old English. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 161-177. Both the single SOVI hypothesis and double-underlying structure hypothesis do not explain various syntactic patterns of Old English. However, we can be derived them from SIOV underlying structure using the optional verb movement rule. By assuming I-initial hypothesis, we don`t need to assume the NP raising rule any more. Therefore, it can be said that this SIOV underlying structure hypothesis is a more economical and desirable hypothesis than the SOVI hypothesis and double-underlying structure hypothesis because it needs just one movement in explaining various word order types which can be found in Old English manuscripts. In spite of its merit, however, the SIOV hypothesis seems to have a critical problem. When INFL is in medial position, the verb has to move to INFL, and the surface order derived from the SIOV underlying structure would not be SOV but SVO order. It contrasts with the predominating theory that Old English is an SOV language. It is very difficult to explain all the syntactic structures with current theoretical methods. As a conclusion, it could be said that it would be more desirable to study syntactic patterns of Old English by analysing Old English manuscripts than by using current theories.
Dong-Ho Kang. 2001. The Use of Language Learning Strategies in Korean EFL Input-Poor Contexts. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 179-201. The purpose of this study was to identify Korean students` learning strategies through the cross-sectional study as a first step to make a framework of the strategy instruction. The retrospective interview and think-aloud procedures were used to assess the learning strategies of sixty students from grades 7, 8, and 9. The results showed that (1) biological or developmental increase in strategy use did not appear with Korean middle school students and regardless of their proficiency levels, all students seldom used social strategies; (2) the differences between advanced students and poorer students were significant in the use of metacognitive and memory strategies; (3) specific strategy use depended on the type of tasks; and (4) there was no difference between males and females across levels. The findings suggest that effective language learning strategies should be taught for a students and be modeled simultaneously with what is being taught, but with different emphasis of the strategy use.
Soo-Ok Kweon. 2001. UG Availability and Wanna Contraction. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 203-223. This paper investigates the acquisition of wanna contraction in English by adult L2 learners to see whether they correctly apply the constraint on contraction. Want to can be contracted to wanna in object extraction question, such as (1) Who do you want to/wanna kiss? However, want to cannot be contracted to wanna in subject extraction question as in (2) Who do you want to/*wanna kiss Bill? A prominent constraint on this phenomenon is based on the trace theory of movement rules (Lightfoot 1976; Chomsky 1980; Jeaggli 1980). If UG guides L2 acquisition, the learners will obey the constraint. High-proficiency Korean adult learners of English were tested on contraction in possible and impossible situations. Subjects were placed into four categories based on the contraction pattern they showed on the tests. While some subjects followed the UG-compatible pattern, many did not. This calls into question the general availability of UG.