This paper deals with the relation between filling the Spec position and the Extended Projection Principle(EPP). In Chomsky (1995), the EPP is a strong feature of a functional head causing the relevant feature and the residual constituent to raise. On the other hand, in the sense of Chomsky (2000), the EPP is the requirement that some functional heads must have a specifier. However, Bo kovi (2002) argues that the EPP should be eliminated. According to him, the "final EPP" follows from Case theory, and the "intermediate EPP" is filled as a result of the requirement of successive cyclicity (i.e., locality). In addition, Bo kovi (2002) claims that successive cyclicity should be required by a property of the movement itself, not by a property of intermediate heads. In this paper, we discuss whether those arguments against the EPP can be maintained or not in expletive constructions.

Hong Bae Lee. 2003. The Spec-Head Relation: its Reign and Fall. Studies in Modern Grammar 32, 111-139. The Spec-Head relation has been one of the most important syntactic relations in generative grammar. The present paper will review the consequences of adopting the Spec-Head relation as a kind of government relation in the GB-theory, and the expanding role of the relation in the early Minimalist Program, and will investigate some of the (unnecessary) assumptions and principles that have to be postulated by employing the relation in linguistic analysis. Then, I will discuss the consequences of the claim that the Interface Conditions (IC?). I will also point out that the IC? requires we reconsider/reanalyze Ura`s (1996, 2000) multiple feature checking analysis and Yang`s (2000) multiple Agree analysis of the so-called "multiple Spec constructions" in Languages like Korean and Japanese. I will propose a new parameter for the constructions for further research.