This paper attempts to deal with a contrast in sloppy reading found in some VP-ellipsis contexts from English. This reading is available if another VP-ellipsis applied in the preceding environment; it is unavailable if not. The purpose of this paper is to account for this contrast by exploring an alternative way to previous approaches such as the proform analysis by Schwarz(2000) and the LF structure analysis by Tomioka(2008). Despite some merits of these analyses, they are shown to have some difficulties in resolving the VP-ellipsis gaps. I then propose a new analysis in which some positive elements factored out of the two existing analyses are reshaped and incorporated more adequately in terms of focus feature percolation and inheritance.

Myung-Kwan Park and Sunjoo Choi. 2017. On English Verbal Anaphor: VP Replacement and VP Ellipsis. Studies in Modern Grammar 96, 89-107. It has been noted that VP replacement do so is not allowed with verbal passives, though it is with unaccusatives (Hallman 2013). This paper develops an identity-based account for this contrast. Bruening (2016) recently reports that VP replacement is permitted even with passives in some restricted environments. Reformulating Miller's (2011) three options for VP anaphor (i.e., VP replacement and VP ellipsis), Bruening (2016) suggests two factors governing the choice of VP anaphor. Departing from Bruening (2016), however, this paper provides an identity-based account for the issue concerned, by demonstrating that VP replacement and VP ellipsis are derived in a similar way but they require different operational domains in tandem with the identity domain for VP replacement or ellipsis. Grounded on some key representative examples, we suggest that passives as well as unaccusatives require syntactic identity, but that they are distinguished in terms of the category where VP replacement or ellipsis applies. Furthermore, the difference between VP replacement and VP ellipsis concerning the size of operational domain can be extended to account for causative-inchoative alternations. In doing so, we argue that meeting the identity condition is crucial for VP replacement as well as VP ellipsis.

This study re-examined the issues of Korean binding domain investigated in the previous studies (Kim and Yoon 2009, Kim 2013) by testing the validity of Tensed S Condition (TSC) in Korean binding. Hypothesizing that Korean TSC-violating anaphors are indeed exempt anaphors, the current study is designed to fix the problems of the previous studies. Twenty seven Korean native speakers were tested over Acceptability Judgment Task combined with Interpretation Task composed of 155 Korean sentences representing various binding conditions and Korean local anaphors. Overall results showed that Korean native speakers treat sentences with TSC-violating anaphors similarly to those with SSC-violating anaphors rather than the sentences representing local binding, which means that TSC-violating local anaphors are licensed as exempt anaphors in Korean, not core anaphors.

Studies in Modern Grammar 70, 107-127. It is known that VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora phenomena are typologically dependent. The goals of this paper is to offer a unified algorithm for English VP-ellipsis and Korean VP-anaphora, and show how the suggested resolution algorithm, adopted from Jager (2010), can account for these two in a uniform way.