This paper attempts to show that the word sì 巳(祀) used after the negative wù 勿 or wú 毋 functions as a “Vintransitive” (all the abbreviations and references used in this paper are given at the end of Part I). As such, it forms a VP, 勿/毋 V1 (=巳) V2, where V2 is frequently, but not always, one of the six “Type-A ritual Vs”—one being dăo 禱 ‘to pray’ and the rest given in the paper; when V2 is a “Type-B non-ritual V”—one being diàn 田(甸) ‘to hunt’ and the rest inexhaustible. A major reason for the use of V2 is to contrast with the preceding V1. This is deduced from closely examining the semantic relationship between V1 and V2. The details will be explained with examples. There are also inscriptions in which V1 (巳/祀) is used before yú 于, a “multidirectional” preposition. This is labelled as “Nloc in the sense of ‘in, at’, not ‘to, for’ when preceded by the V1 or in the construction given in the title. The paper accounts for its motivating principle. The paper argues that 巳/祀 is a Vaction meaning “conduct sì-providential ritual”. It was done at a place to seek divine direction and guidance from the deity or Power believed to have dwelt in situ. Originally presented in Takashima (2009a), this paper delves further into linguistic, philological, and cultural aspects of the 巳-ritual couched in the VP, 勿/毋 V1 (=巳/祀) V2. Part I has covered “Examination I: Zhū Shēngyù’s Questions and Zhāng Yùjīn’s Interpretation”. The paper answers the former and evaluates the latter. Part II begins with “Examination II: Qiú Xīguī’s Interpretation” and ends with the conclusions of the entire paper.