The purpose of this research is to demonstrate the acquisition process of the ellipsis at the end of sentences for Koreans who learn Japanese through the contrast of Chinese and English native speakers. The sample of analysis comes from OPI data. The two results below are described in detail: First, Koreans who learn Japanese use more frequently the ellipsis at the end of sentences under the “Existing-Verb-Clauses” than Chinese and English native speakers. However, the acquisition level goes up, the frequency of usage is getting higher to the point where the acquisition process is inclined to be equal at both side (Koreans who learn Japanese vs Chinese and English native speaker). Second, the formality varies more than Chinese and English native speakers, as well as it appears at the beginning level. The formality includes “「けど」,「から」,「て」,「ので」”.The formality of Chinese and English native speakers is similar to Koreans who learn Japanese at the end of the learning stage.

오늘날 한문교육은 한자한자어 학습과 한문의 문장구조를 이해하여 독해하는 학습에 전념하고 있다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 물론 시대적인 입장의 반영이긴 하지만 옛날처럼 한문으로 글을 짓거나 작품을 이루기 위한 창작활동 같은 교육은 하지 않는다. 교육인적자원부의 제 7차 한문교육과정안에서 제시한 한문교육의 목표처럼(물론 중등과정에 해당하지만) “한자, 한자어, 한문을 익혀 언어생활에서 바르게 읽고 쓰며, 한문을 독해할 수 있는 능력을 기르고, 한문에 담긴 선인들의 삶과 지혜를 이해하여 건전한 가치관과 바람직한 인성을 함양하며, 전통문화를 계승 발전시키려는 태도를 지니고, 한자문화권 내에서의 상호 이해와 교류증진에 기여한다”는 것이 오늘날 한문교육의 현주소라 할 수 있다. 교육부가 제시한 것 중에서 “한문을 독해할 수 있는 능력을 기르는 일”은 한문학습 중에서 가장 중요한 핵심 사항이다. 왜냐하면 한문을 독해할 수 있으려면 필히 한자 한자어를 알아야 하고 독해할 수 있는 능력이 있으면 한문에 담긴 내용을 이해하고 배워서 바람직한 인성을 함양할 수 있으며, 전통문화 계승발전은 물론 대외적인 교류증진도 할 수 있기 때문이다. 독해능력의 배양은 오늘날 대학교의 전공과정에서도 가장 치중하고 있는 사항인데 한문학을 위한 기본 요건이기 때문이다. 한문의 문장 내용을 이해하려면 다양한 수사적 기교가 동원되는 문장 구성원리를 파악할 수 있어야 가능하다. 한문 문장의 수사법 중에 생략법은 너절한 자구를 줄이는 일로 말을 추가하여 삽입하는 일과는 상대적이다. 이는 불필요한 어휘나 반복적인 언급을 피하여 더욱 간결하고 보기 좋은 문장을 이루려는 한문 문장구성의 필수적인 수사기교이다. 한문의 문장은 지극히 생략법을 강구하여 간결함을 추구하기 때문에 독해하는 데에 어려움이 따른다. 문장의 생략된 구조를 살필 수 있으면 문장의 뜻을 파악하는 일이 쉽고도 분명해진다. 지금까지 어법연구서나 어법에 관한 논고가 다소 나왔지만 생략에 관한 분야에는 관심이 없었는지 연구 결과가 매우 미진한 상태이다. 한문을 독해할 능력을 기르기 위해서는 문법을 소홀히 할 수 없다. 문장을 구성하는 수사기교와 다양한 형식을 파악해야 독해가 가능하기 때문이다. 생략의 기법에 대해서 지금까지 관심에서 외면되었고, 또한 이는 한문의 문장구조를 이해하고 독해력을 증진하는 데에 중요한 사항이기 때문에 생략에 의한 수사기법에 대해 여러 유형을 제시하여 종합적으로 고찰해 보았다.

This research examines the use of the ellipsis in 30 telephone conversations and shows the reason for the use of the ellipsis in aspects of functionality in the area of study of Korean and Japanese. It also demonstrates if the supplementary of utterance has which type of format at each functionality and if there are the format of the supplementary of utterance repeated. The results below are described in detail 1. The functionality of the ellipsis at the end of sentence in both languages (1) Demanding Behavior: request, recommendation, proposition, (2) Demanding Information: question, confirmation request, (3) Providing Information: self-information, the third person, reason, conveying a story to the others, and (4) Expressing will: revision/ evaluation, self-behavior in future, compliance/support, apology, greeting. 2. The format of the supplementary of utterance of the ellipsis at the end of sentence in both languages. In regard of the format of the supplementary of utterance, Korean has the connection formats, which are「－고」「－ㄴ데」「－니까」and so on, Japanese has「－けど」「－から」「て」「って」and the like. The study shows that formats repeated are existed in the ellipsis at the end of the sentences in both languages.

Myung-Kwan Park and Sunjoo Choi. 2017. On English Verbal Anaphor: VP Replacement and VP Ellipsis. Studies in Modern Grammar 96, 89-107. It has been noted that VP replacement do so is not allowed with verbal passives, though it is with unaccusatives (Hallman 2013). This paper develops an identity-based account for this contrast. Bruening (2016) recently reports that VP replacement is permitted even with passives in some restricted environments. Reformulating Miller's (2011) three options for VP anaphor (i.e., VP replacement and VP ellipsis), Bruening (2016) suggests two factors governing the choice of VP anaphor. Departing from Bruening (2016), however, this paper provides an identity-based account for the issue concerned, by demonstrating that VP replacement and VP ellipsis are derived in a similar way but they require different operational domains in tandem with the identity domain for VP replacement or ellipsis. Grounded on some key representative examples, we suggest that passives as well as unaccusatives require syntactic identity, but that they are distinguished in terms of the category where VP replacement or ellipsis applies. Furthermore, the difference between VP replacement and VP ellipsis concerning the size of operational domain can be extended to account for causative-inchoative alternations. In doing so, we argue that meeting the identity condition is crucial for VP replacement as well as VP ellipsis.

This paper proposes a new case-based approach to some facts observed in complement clauses in Korean. Its core lies in the following hierarchy: lexical/oblique case >> verbal case >> default case. This paper shows that among others, case conversion on the embedded subject in the ECM environment, i.e., from nominative to accusative, follows from the particular conception of nominative as the absence of case valuation advanced by Preminger and his co-workers (2014, 2015) according to which case is not contingent on agreement. This approach also deals with contrasts in ellipsis of complement clauses. In addition, this paper points out that a labeling system proposed by Cecchetto and Donati (2010) does not extend to Korean, and claimed that a moving element does not reproject a label.

This study re-examined the issues of Korean binding domain investigated in the previous studies (Kim and Yoon 2009, Kim 2013) by testing the validity of Tensed S Condition (TSC) in Korean binding. Hypothesizing that Korean TSC-violating anaphors are indeed exempt anaphors, the current study is designed to fix the problems of the previous studies. Twenty seven Korean native speakers were tested over Acceptability Judgment Task combined with Interpretation Task composed of 155 Korean sentences representing various binding conditions and Korean local anaphors. Overall results showed that Korean native speakers treat sentences with TSC-violating anaphors similarly to those with SSC-violating anaphors rather than the sentences representing local binding, which means that TSC-violating local anaphors are licensed as exempt anaphors in Korean, not core anaphors.

This paper examines the exceptional behavior of P-stranding under Sluicing in some languages which do not allow P-stranding under regular whmovement (cf. Merchant (2001)). Spanish, Polish, Brazilian Portuguese and Indonesian, in contrast to Greek and Czech, are in principle a prepositionpied- piping language, but they allow P-stranding under Sluicing that arguably derives from cleft structure or via repair-by-ellipsis. Still critical to this process of P-stranding under Sluicing is the identity-in-ellipsis requirement that the morpho-syntactic form of the surviving wh-expression in the sluiced clause matches the one that its overt or covert correlate expression would potentially take if it underwent regular wh-movement. Extending this generalization to ‘Sluicing’ and ‘Fragmenting’ in Korean, we show that the somewhat unexpected postposition stranding and omission of the wh- and fragment expression in these constructions of Korean also derive from (pseudo-)cleft structure, meeting the identity/parallelism condition on ellipsis.

This paper examines the identity of null objects in Korean. For the last two decades, null objects in this language have been argued to derive from either base-generation as an empty pronoun or ellipsis/deletion. To resolve this controversial issue, we scrutinize some previous arguments supporting one analysis or the other for null objects. We set forth a background for the discussion of them, starting with the diagnostic that Chung et al. (2011) uses to distinguish VP and TP ellipsis in English. We then turn to Hoji's (1998) and Ahn and Cho's (2011) test utilizing the availability of a sloppy-like reading, and then to Hoji's (2003) and Bae and Kim's (2012) probe employing R-expressions. Showing that all these diagnostics are not effective as much as they have been claimed to be, we use the new test capitalizing on the extraction out of an ellipsis site, arguing that null objects in Korean derive from deletion/ellipsis rather than base-generation as pro.

Studies in Modern Grammar 70, 107-127. It is known that VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora phenomena are typologically dependent. The goals of this paper is to offer a unified algorithm for English VP-ellipsis and Korean VP-anaphora, and show how the suggested resolution algorithm, adopted from Jager (2010), can account for these two in a uniform way.

This paper examines the phenomena of missing objects in Korean, given linguistic or situational contexts. It is argued that the null object construction in Korean is model-interpretive anaphora in terms of Sag and Hankamer`s (1984) dichotomy of anaphora as model-interpretive anaphora or ellipsis. Instead of a DP ellipsis analysis, a pro analysis of null object constructions is thus defended. To be specific, the concept of sloppy readings in anaphora is articulated along the line of Hoji (2003): personal pronouns [+β] vs. names [+α]. As a consequence, it is confirmed that there is neither DP ellipsis nor CP ellipsis in Korean.

In this paper I argue that the so-called gapless relative clause (GRC) in Korean actually has a syntactic gap, and thus, it is a variant of the externally headed regular gappy RC. I also argue that the surface structure of GRC is derived from the underlying structure where the cause-effect relation required in GRC constructions is fully realized via pragmatically conditioned ellipsis. Thus I suggest that the verbal effect part can be ellipted to the extent that this part is pragmatically recoverable in the presence of the head noun that denotes the same effect. The categorial status of the GRC is further claimed to be CP, which then hosts operator movement in its Spec in a usual way. So there is little anomaly in the RCs known as gapless RCs.

This paper explores the absence or presence of CP ellipsis in Japanese and Korean. Saito (2007) argues that in Japanese and Korean, arguments such as DPs and CPs can undergo ellipsis unlike in English since agreement is optional in these languages. He further puts forward an LF copying analysis of argument ellipsis. A couple of puzzles, however, need to be resolved. First, no extraction out of CP ellipsis should be explained. Second, the fact that CP ellipsis is sensitive to selection of matrix verb should be explained. We suggest that apparent DP and CP ellipsis in Korean are all instances of a null pronoun, the so-called pro. We reanalyze the apparent instances of DP and CP ellipsis discussed in Saito (2007), and propose that they indeed involve deep anaphora pro but not surface anaphora ellipsis.