This study aims to overview and review the infiltration of Japanese Buddhism and it's influences on the construction and architectural characteristics of Japanese Buddhist temple from the opening of ports to Independence Day of Korea. Infiltration of Japanese Buddhism had been sustained during 70 years from the foundation of Higashi Hongan-ji Temple(東本願寺) in Pusan, by Shinshu Otani School(真宗大谷派) which was one of Japanese Buddhism, to Independence Day of Korea. This study is to be promoted on the following subjects ; 1) the circumstance around the infiltration of Japanese Buddhism 2) Buddhism policy of Japanese Governor and infiltration on Korean Buddhism 3) increasing trend, distribution and construction of Japanese Buddhist temples near downtown areas 4) for the conclusion, case research on Bondang, Gori, and open space and analysis on the architecture style of Japanese Buddhist temples Accordingly, Korean Buddhism had been subordinated to Japanese Buddhism, and the management system and memorial service of Korean Buddhism had to be affected by Japanese Buddhism. This study is considered meaningful for the elementary research to examine the aspects of Japanese style on Korean Buddhist architecture at that time.

Korea is recognized home and abroad as a country where various religions exist without conflict or enmity which is rare in the world. However, it's certain that Korea is one of the country where social conflict can happen caused by religious conflict or enmity at any time. The conflict and enmity among religions are already deep and it can’t be solved by temporary measure. It will be difficult to overcome this problem without continuous and honest conversations among religions. This study was done with this issue and I aim at finding the new way for conversation and collaboration to reach peace among religions. In Korea, the portion of protestantism and buddhism is biggest and these two religions have the most serious conflict between them. In this situation, I analyzed two survey results. One is ‘the survey for social credit to Korean churches’ done by ‘Christian Ethics Movement of Korea’ with the aim of “evaluating the social credit of Korean churches and finding a way to enhance it.” The other is ‘social culture in Korea and survey of people about religion’ done by ‘Buddhism Society Institute,’ affiliated by Jogye Order of Korean Buddhist with the aim of “finding a indicator for religions in Korea including buddhism and to utilize as a fundamental data on social culture and religion in Korea.” The result of the study shows that the future of Korea churches will be pessimistic if they continue church individualism and aggressive evangelism for the growth of church. It is an urgent task to reform such a image. The way to reach the harmony and co-existence for the peace among religions may be different but being different does not mean wrong. I believe that we can reach harmony with the spirit of ‘Hwa-i-bu-dong’(peace in difference) which is admitting and respecting others. In this era, community spirit is required for rebuilding of community. Religion is not an exception of it. Furthermore, religion has more responsibility and duty compared to other sectors in the society to enhance community spirit and social spirit. Like this, it can be the way to reach the ultimate goal or original function of the religion. For conversation and collaboration among religions, the authenticity from the deep inside of people’s heart is required absolutely.

人们在谈到盛唐时期的诗人时，常将王维誉为“诗佛”，与“诗仙”李白、“诗圣”杜甫齐名。这一方面表明盛唐诗人具有的独特风格，另一方面也可以看成是深厚地体现出盛唐一代诗人们在诗歌创造和生活中，各以儒教、道教、佛教为代表的宗教性特征。 王维不仅是富有艺术灵感的诗人，凝聚了绘画、音乐、书法等盛唐文化音序结晶的人物，也是诚恳信佛的佛教徒。作为一代诗坛领袖诗人，而虔信的佛教信徒，王维在山水田园诗歌中很突出地表现自己对禅理的深心体悟和悟禅的境界。因此，王维生前已经有了“当代诗匠，又精佛理”之誉。而且王维被后人称为“诗佛”，与“诗仙”李白、“诗圣”杜甫齐名，也的确是说明王维的诗歌创作因为信佛而获得独特审美特点。 本论文的重点在于王维作为“诗佛”的诗歌创作与其诗歌世界，就是王维作为佛家徒的宗教生活与作为诗人的诗歌创作之间的影响关系和在他的山水诗中蕴含的佛理色彩。 众所周知，王维是代表中国山水田园诗派的人物。王维在诗歌创作中常以自然山水为媒介，阐述了平淡而具有深厚禅趣的山水诗。其实这些山水景物都是他自己内心世界的映衬。他所描写山水田园，不是纯粹客观的自然美，而是修禅过程中得到自己独特的审美方式来关照的自己心目中的山水田园。但是我们要注意，这决不是说王维用自己的主观情感来歪曲客观自然景物，而是把自己的感性世界通过理性来升华为更高层次、更纯粹的感性世界。这就是“以物观物”的审美关照。通过这样的“以观物观”的审美关照描写的山水田园，其实更逼近客观山水田园。因为“以观物观”中诗人也已经同化为自然的一部分。 因此，王维的山水诗歌中很好地结合了对自然景物的描写和宗教哲理，创造的新的艺术境界美，特别对唐诗的意境美的发展提供了很成功的例子。从这样的角度来看，可以说王维的诗歌创作和其诗歌境界具有开创新风气之贡献。尤其，王维的山水诗，对后来诗歌与禅结合的山水诗发展和佛僧的诗歌创作起了很重要的作用。

고려후기의 불교계는 귀족 중심의 불교에서 벗어나 일반 대중 중심의 불교운동 이 전개되기 시작했다. 이러한 교단의 변화 분위기에 따라 불교에 귀의하여 信行 했던 승려들의 출신성분도 다양해져 이전까지 주를 이루었던 귀족 출신 승려보다 는 오히려 민간 출신의 승려가 주류를 이루게 되었다. 이때 등장하여 불교계를 이 끌어 갔던 승려들은 대부분 당시에 불교계를 풍미하던 禪宗에 속해 있으면서 불 교를 문학으로 형상화하는 데 관심을 기울였다. 이러한 승려들로써는 慧諶 (1178-1234), 天因(1205-1248), 一然(1206-1289), 冲止(1226-1293), 景閑 (1299-1374), 普愚(1301-1382), 惠勤(1320-1376) 등을 예거할 수 있는데, 이들 은 대부분 일반 사대부가문 출신으로 그중에는 儒業에 관심을 가져 儒經을 공부 한 뒤에 과거에 합격했던 경력의 소유자가 있기도 하다. 冲止는 19세에 과거에 장원급제하여 관직생활을 하다가 29세에 祝髮入山하여 승려의 길로 들어선 인물 이다. 그가 일찍이 유학을 공부하고 문학수업을 받았기 때문에 승려가 된 뒤에도 속세 문인들의 문학적 聲價에 못지않은 작품들을 남기고 있어 고려후기 불교문 학을 훨씬 풍부하게 만들어 갔다. 그가 승려로서 문학에 관심을 가지고 부단하게 세상에 관심을 가진 것은 바로 불교가 단순히 내세를 기원하는 비현실적인 종교 가 아니라 부당한 현실의 질곡에서 신음하는 대중들의 고통을 위로하기 위해 그 들과 함께 하는 현실적 종교라는 것을 보여주는 것이기도 하다. 이러한 불교관을 가지고 있던 충지는 세속을 초탈하여 물욕을 버리고 마음을 문학에 의탁하여 詩 와 더불어 노닌다는 禪的詩觀을 보일 수 있었다고 하겠다. 충지는 운문과 산문에 걸쳐 많은 작품을 남기고 있지만 그의 시를 통하여 그의 문학세계는 물론이고, 아 울러 고려후기 불교문학의 실체를 확인할 수 있다. 충지가 남긴 한시를 분석해 보 면 승려로서 불교의 교리를 읊은 것보다는 세태인심에 대한 자신의 생각을 표방 하거나, 자연의 아름다움과 질서를 노래한 것이 대부분을 차지한다. 특히 그의 시 에서 나타나는 현실에 대한 관심과 대중들에 대한 애정은 고려후기 불교문학이 일반 대중들을 교화하고 절망에 빠진 그들을 구제하는 데 깊이 연관되어 있음을 알 수 있게 하는 것이다.

본고는 ｢학생들 사이에서｣에 나타나 있는 불교적인 개념을 살펴봄으로써 예이츠가 불교를 어떻게 이해하고 있으며, 그가 수용한 불교의 개념이 무엇인가? 그리고 그가 어느 정도까지 수용하고 있는가를 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 서론부분에서 예이츠가 불교에 접하게 된 계기 및 과정을 고찰하여 예이츠의 작품을 불교적으로 해석하는 것이 무리가 아님을 논증한다. 시인이 불교에 대하여 알지 못하거나 불교를 접한 바가 없다 하더라도 시인의 작품을 불교적으로 해석하지 못하는 것은 아니다. 그렇지만 시인이 불교에 접하고 불교를 알고 있었다면 그의 작품에 그 영향이 남아 있을 수 있다. 그렇기 때문에 그의 작품을 불교적으로 해석하는 것이 보다 타당할 수 있다.

It is a true fact that the ancient Buddhist temples of Korea were great, important historical influence revealing the transition and developing stages of all the BUddhist temples in Eastern Asia including China and Japan. Before Mahayana arose within India, the monastery and pagoda were united during the conflict and development of the original Buddhism and pagoda faith. With the arising of Mahayana and the introduction of Buddhist statues, the Buddhist temple and pagoda were in conflict and resulted in separation. With the creation and development of the Mahayana Bodhisattva concept, Hinayana and Mahayana started to show doctrine differences and expressed each others' characteristics relevant to the structure of the temple. As a result, the Buddhist Temple having 1 pagoda spread in China together with Hinayana and Mahayana. The Buddhist temple of Hinayana had its temple and pagoda separated and the Buddhist temple that has a pagoda in front was divided into a form of 1 pagoda and 1 main temple. The temple and pagoda for Mahayana in the form of 1 pagoda and 2 temple, where the main statue of the Buddha may be worshipped from both the left and right hand sides, were separated in the form of 1 pagoda and 3 temples to have its original form again. Mahayana was first introduced into Goguryeo through the routes in the northern region and developed from having 1 pagoda and 2 temples, to having 1 pagoda and 3 temples. China was influenced by the southern regions, which is why Abhidharma was introduced into Baekje. Later on, the importance of Bodhisattva increased and the transition speed of the Buddhist temple having 1 pagoda and 3 temples accelerated, as Buddhism became more popular and as Mahayana flourished. The statue of the Buddha on both sides of the pagoda shall gradually move next to the central temple , and the temple shall form large crowds to not only form a tacit boundary with the pagoda but the expansion of Bodhisattva shall also have a wall or a corridor constructed in between the central, left and right hand side temples to form separate areas, and shall have a pagoda built in front of the temples that worship from both sides. In conclusion, independence shall exist among each Bodhisattva within the Buddhist temple, and the status of the pagoda shall fall and appear as the pagoda on both sides in front of the main Buddha statue.

This thesis is to analyze the origin and transformation of the official building registers of Korean traditional temples, and also to suggest the amendment of their wrong archives. Especially, this study is to examine these subjects focused on Beomeo-sa which has maintained fine registers. The results are as follow; 1. In Chosun Dynasty, the Ip-an had been used, and in the period of Daehan-Empire, the Ga-gei had been used as each official registers for the common buildings. The other hand, the lists of properties and the legal registers had been used as official registers for the temple buildings between 1911 and 1962. 2. The current official building registers have been firstly recorded under <Building Law> in 1962. At that time, the current official registers have been also recorded for the Buddhist temple buildings. 3. Most of the official building registers of Buddhist temples are incomplete. Especially, these have usually the indistinct building names and wrong building areas. These were mainly caused by direct copying of the old registers recorded in 1956, the period of Buddhist confusion. Furthermore, the registers have been poorly operated by monks and offices. 4. Therefore, the registers has to be corrected as follow; The omitted buildings have to be added and the duplicated buildings have to be removed in the summary heading registers. The indistinct building names recorded in 1956 have to be correct into actual proper building names. The wrong building areas recorded in 1956 have to be correct into actual measurement building areas.

고려시대는 정치적으로 실용적인 유교에 깊이 연대되어 있었지만 나라의 근간 과 관련된 문제에 있어서는 불교에 의지하였다. 이는 당대를 주도하고 대변하던 계층이 불교를 所依處로 삼았다는 것으로 볼 수 있기 때문에 이 시대 지식인의 사유와 행동에 불교가 끼친 영향이 적지 않았음을 짐작하게 된다. 고려후기에는 고려전기와 마찬가지로 불교가 크게 성행했고, 특히 무인난으로 인하여 많은 문인 지식인들이 현실을 떠나 山野로 도피하였으므로 자연스럽게 불교와의 인연을 가 지게 된 경우가 많았다. 또한 고려후기에 불교계를 주도하던 高僧․大德들 가운 데 鄕吏層․讀書人層출신들이 주류를 이루었기 때문에 이들과 교유하던 문인지 식인들이 불교에 대하여 더욱 관심을 가지게 되었다. 이들 고승들은 일찍부터 儒․佛에 관심을 가지고 精進하여 科試에도 합격할 정도로 文人的素養을 충분 히 갖추고 있었으므로 同時代의 문인들과 잦은 문학적 교류를 가졌다. 따라서 당 시의 문인들도 불안하고 경직된 시대를 만나 불교에 깊은 관심과 애정을 가졌고, 詩文에 능한 승려들을 통하여 불교의 높은 정신적 경개에 이르고자 하였다. 당시 의 문인지식인인 이들 사대부들은 유교를 공부하여 현실 정치에 참여했지만 危難 의 시대에 정신적으로 기댈 곳은 불교의 탈속적 세계 밖에 없었다. 이러한 문학적 교류는 승려들의 작품 형식으로 정착된 山人體를 서로 답습하게 되므로써 더욱 견고성을 가지게 되었다. 승려들과 문학적 교류를 통하여 불교사상을 문학적 이데 올로기로 삼은 사대부들이 많았지만 이들 가운데 대표적인 인물이 李奎報와 李穡 이다. 따라서 이 두 사람의 詩文에 나타난 불교 취향은 고려후기 문학 사상의 중 요한 부분이 되기 마련이었다. 이들의 불교관련 시문에서는 불교의 이상향인 淨土 를 추구하면서 탈속적인 세계를 지향하고 있는 것이 특징이라고 할 수 있다.

高行健一直追求技巧與形式的實驗, 而他的《靈山》就是這種實驗的一個大飛躍, 他在這作品中實現其技巧上的徹底實驗, 而且他還運用禪佛敎的思惟方法來實驗他自己的靈魂超越, 結果他能達到形式與內容的和諧. 此文專門進行考察《靈山》的諸般技巧上特徵是與禪佛敎的思惟方法有如何關係, 其結果是如下. 一, 他的所謂語言流的寫作實驗, 借助於佛敎的無住無相思惟方法, 而得到一定的哲學內容. 語言流與意識流寫作方法有點兒不一樣, 高行健的小說以完整美麗的文章著稱, 這在意識流小說里不能發現的. 二, 《靈山》採取了竝列結構, 此方法與慧能的三十六對法有異轍同軌的關係. 《靈山》里的各個回, 時間與空間, 人物與事件以竝列構造配置的. 因此全體小說里沒有一定的前後因果性, 但是就因爲如此小說的各個因子與全體結構保持着平等關係. 在這里我們發現慧能對法的影子. 三, 考察了《靈山》的空間配置, 結果我們發現了前後空間之間有相互否定的關係, 因此空間的變化或者移動成爲純粹偶然的事件, 因爲沒有目的地. 這種配置的效果可以用禪佛敎的卽非否定法來說明. 四, 考察了《靈山》的空間配置, 結果我們發現了作品里過去現在與未來的時間是不能分別的, 或者相互雜居, 或者顚倒配置, 或者干脆消除. 這可以用《華嚴經》相卽別成的時間觀來說明. 五, 人間的語言行爲包括說故事, 是不是專爲傳達思想感情或主題意識? 筆者在高行健的小說里發現純粹爲說故事而說故事的態度, 在這里再想, 我們吃飯, 我們睡覺, 到底其目的再哪里? 與其有一定目的, 寧可說其吃飯睡覺就是人間生活的手段與目的結合的狀態. 高行健《靈山》的特徵與禪佛敎的思惟方法有這樣密切的關係, 雖然如此他的小說絶對不是專門爲表揚佛敎而下筆的, 我相信他一接觸禪佛敎的思惟方法, 就領悟到自己的文學技巧實驗有這樣跟深底固的佛敎哲學, 有不期相見不約而同的同質性或類似性.

이 논문에서는 한유 시와 불교의 관계를 고찰하였다. 한유는 "불도를 배척한다"고 스스로 자임했지만, 그의 행위는 도리어 불교와 깊고 애매하게 유착되어, 자신의 "선언"과 "행동"이 서로 위배되는 태도를 취했다. 그는〈원도〉를 찬술하고 불골 맞는 일을 간언하는 등 결연히 불도를 반대하면서, 한편으로는 승려와 밀접하게 왕래하고 시를 수창하며 정감에 사로잡혔다. 이런 모순적 태도는 후세에 비평을 받았다. 현존하는 한유의 시 사백여수 중 불교와 관련된 시는 겨우 약 20여 수 뿐이지만, 그 영향은 대단하다. 당나라 때 불교는 정치사상면에서 국가와 백성들에게 해를 끼쳤을 뿐 아니라, 경제면에서도 사회를 침식시키는 큰 병폐였다. 당시에 형성된 방대한 무위도식계급 및 그들의 소비경비는 심히 통절한 것이었다. 그는 시에서 이런 불교의 해악을 지적하고 불교를 적극 반대했다. 한유가 불교를 배척한 것은 불교가 백성들의 생산생활에 막대한 파괴를 조성했기 때문이다. 그는 또 시에다 불교의 허망과 거짓을 풍자하였으며, 혹세우민을 폭로하였다. 시승과 진지하게 교류한 시들은 후세사람들이 한유가 변심하여 불가에 귀의했다고 여겨 질책을 받았다. 한유와 승려의 교류는 경제적 능력 때문이거나, 시문의 재능이 출중한데 불교에 입문한 것이 통탄스러웠기 때문이거나, 심지어는 그들을 유가의 문하로 끌어들여 벼슬을 시키기 위해서였다. 무본스님을 환속시킨 것은 한유의 일대공로였다. 韓愈는 불교비판에 힘을 아끼지 않았지만 정작 문학창작방법에서는 불교의 영향을 깊이 받고 있다. 이점은 매우 흥미로운 현상이다. 그는 불교경전을 익숙히 알고 있을 뿐 아니라, 그것을 시에다 화용했고, 그가 시도한 "이문위시" 역시 직접 불경과 불경번역과정에서 얻은 것이며, 시 속의 몇몇 조구방법들도 역시 불경게송의 조구방법을 모방했다. 이로 본다면 한유는 비록 불교를 배척했다지만 그는 여전히 불교경전을 열람했음을 알 수 있는데, 그는 온갖 전적을 박람했으니, 불경도 당연한 포함될 것이다.

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

It is generally known that the temple structure in Korea was formalized by the ceremonial principle based on the Buddhist cosmology. But, there have been no concrete studies on how far the two have relationship with each other and what significance it implies in it. In other words, even though the temple structure reflects the Sumeru Mount cosmology which is the Buddhist cosmology, there is still uncertain aspects in the relationship between them. This research is a more concrete approach on what kind of corelation the Sumeru Mount cosmology has with the Korean temple structure. For this, the levels of related documents on the Buddhist cosmology and the Sumeru Mount cosmology have been arranged first. Then, on this basis, it is searched with what symbolism the cosmology has been accepted in the temple structure. The temple is a sacred space that holds Buddha and a profane space which the sattva (ordinary people) can approach at the same time. The site of the temple is also a land that is connected to the residence of sattva and a blissful area of prayer that they can be born again through Buddha at the same time. Thus, the double characteristics of sanctity and profanity are finally inter-connected with each other in the view point of Jinsokburi(Truth and Worldliness are not different), and the temple structure reflects this significance through the symbolism very well. Therefore, the correct recognition on the temple structure can be said as an important aspect to understand the purpose of Buddhism.

In the paper, "The Anti-self in Yeats's Per Amica Silentia Lunae" published on Dec. 2004, I studied the theory of Yeats's anti-self in the occultic meditation. In "Ego Dominus Tuss," Ille finally found his anti-self. In "Anima Hominis," Yeats said that the saint like Christ and Buddha, and the poets like Dante and Keats attained the anti-self. The anti-self is the opposite of daily self and the egoless self. After leaving the Golden Dawn in 1917 Yeats explored a wide range of meditative traditions such as Zen Buddhism, Upanishads, Tibetan Mysticism and Chinese Taoism. Throughout his poetic career, Yeats defined poetry, and indeed all art, as a form of meditation, as an experience which can reveal the unified "Self," defined by the Upanishads, and unlock its creative energy stored in the "deep of the mind." In "Discoveries," Yeats said that the more he tried to make his art deliberately beautiful, the more he follow the opposite of himself. In this paper I argue that Yeats's anti-self is similar to the "Self" of Upanishads and the Buddhahood of Zen Buddhism. In "The Double Vision of Michael Robartes" the girl dancing between a Sphinx and a Buddha in the fifteenth night is the anti-self of Yeats. In a moment the girl, the Sphinx, the Buddha and the poet himself had overthrown time in contemplation. They remain motionless in the contemplation of their real nature, Buddhahood. Full moon is the light of Samadhi and Turiya which is the forth state corresponding to the whole sacred word "AUM," pure personality, the "Self" of Upanishads. Only when Yeats becomes the anti-self he can be a totally subjective mind, overcome the illusion of duality, and find a "revelation of realty." It is a deliverance that leads simply to seeing things the way they really are, in their most naked reality. The process of spiritual realization is cognitive, for knowledge unites the knower and the known together, reverting to the language of "A Dialogue of Soul and Self," intellect no longer knows/ Is from Ought, or Knower from the Known. "The Self is Brahman": the individual soul is seen to be the universal spirit. When each man realize that his original nature is the eternal spirit, no matter how ordinary he is, he will enter Buddhahood. Like Bodhisattvas who, on the verge of their own enlightenment, vow to hold themselves from that final bliss until all sentient beings are released from the phenomenal world Yeats would like to be an Avalokitesvara in this rag-and-bone shop.

This study is conservation works trend since 1900. Objects for study are National Treasures and Treasures in Buddhism, in wooden architecture. And researched about the factor of conservation works, roof and tile, painting and dissolution conservation works cycle by dissolution, timber change ratio. The factor of conservation works is the most, roof and tile. Conservation works cycle by dissolution is 12.8 years. Painting cycle is 16.3 years. There are two concepts of conservation works, that is restoration and preservation. There are many restoration before 1960's. To 1960's the preservation to be many to 1970's many Restoration. And since the end of 1970's is Preservation. These reasons are conservation works history of object, the rule for Heritage protection, people on works, and study of architecture. history.