The positive-list and negative-list modes of financial regulation differ in terms of which sectors are open to foreign services and suppliers. In the positive-list mode, only the listed sectors are accessible to foreign entities, whereas in the negative-list mode, all sectors are open except for those explicitly prohibited by law. Recent trade agreements such as RCEP, CPTPP, and USMCA have moved away from positive-list mode, especially in financial services regulation. While they do not adopt the negative-list mode either, they introduce new financial service clauses that facilitate market access for innovative financial products. These agreements also serve as a benchmark for opening up other sectors. They will continue to offer financial products, but their product types and transfer forms will differ from current financial services. China iscreating significant challenges in establishing a correct understanding of the new financial services clause, developing a robust regulatory system, and mitigating risks associated with opening the financial services market.

The COVID-19 pandemic has adversely affected the overall economic growth of countries. Governments have taken various measures to prevent the spread of the virus, resulting in a significant increase in unemployment, such as young people who are disadvantaged groups such as first-time job seekers and inexperienced fresh graduates. The concept of sustainable development has been gradually recognized by most countries as an important principle in international regulations. It has been reflected in international treaties, judicial cases, and initiatives. To alleviate the pressure of youth unemployment, China has adopted a series of policies and measures, which are consistent with the concept of sustainable development. This paper intends to focus on the current situation of China’s youth employment market and relevant laws and policies to improve it. It draws on the measures taken by other countries to deal with youth unemployment and puts forward suggestions from the perspective of sustainable development.

In the multilateral trading systems under the WTO, the national security exception plays a crucial role in balancing trade liberalisation against the security interest of a sovereign nation. The proper use of the national security exception is of particular importance in the disputes with mixed political, diplomatic and military elements. The EU has recently accused China of breaching WTO obligations by taking restrictive trade measures against Lithuania, thereby affecting free trade between the EU and China. This paper argues that the allegation would be frustrated by the application of the WTO’s national security exception, as the dispute is rooted in Lithuania’s breach of its commitment to the One-China principle, which is crucial to China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Outside the WTO ruling system, a unilaterally imposed international sanction would be insufficient to alleviate the dispute between China and Lithuania and would lead to a deadlock in the multilateral trading system.

In today’s world, intellectual property (IP) rights have become a significant part of overall corporate value as well as a “driver of important market transactions.” Nevertheless, patent commercialization and claims for damages due to patent infringement are often obstructed by parties’ differing positions on the patent value. To improve Vietnam’s legal and practical environment for patent valuation, this paper constructs a comparison of the prevailing frameworks of the United States and the People’s Republic of China with that of Vietnam to make recommendations meeting the stated purpose. An analysis of relevant academic literature suggests that parties should be allowed to choose their preferred valuation technique even when having engaged valuation professionals. Also, valuation service providers should be able to demonstrate the underlying rationale for selecting a particular valuation method. Other valuation techniques, such as forward citation counting, should also be studied to provide private parties, patent valuators and relevant state agencies in Vietnam with more options when facing the need to value a patent.

The RCEP is the largest FTA in the world. It was negotiated at a moment in history when criticism concerning globalization, multilateralism, and FTAs as effective tools for growth and well-being abounded. Those concerns have been aggravated by COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, which affected not only world health but also increased protectionist temptations and disruptions in GVCs. This paper aims to analyze the likely contribution of this mega-deal, its economic and political variables, including the leadership that China will exert, and the objectives pursued during the negotiation. The agreement is contrasted with other major FTA, namely the CPTPP, the FTAAP and the Pacific Alliance, mainly in relation to integration efforts. It is concluded that the RCEP will indeed increase intraregional trade, although its full impact will take years to be felt. To maximize its impact, the RCEP needs to incorporate key current issues and new members to the pact.

The Indo-Pacific region’s strategic importance lies in its role in global trade and energy supply. Strengthening multilateral institutions is crucial to maintain a balance of power amid China’s growing assertiveness. Post the change in the US administration and the pandemic’s impact on the world order, restoring multilateralism is emphasized. The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) plays a vital role in this multilateral order for the Indo-Pacific. India’s “Act East Policy” is an essential instrument for pursuing its interests in the region. However, India chose to opt out of RCEP, citing concerns about bias favoring China’s interests. This paper explores India’s significance in the Indo-Pacific and analyzes the implications of its decision on RCEP and the “Act-East Asia Policy.” India’s stance has broader implications for regional economic integration and its ability to balance China’s influence while shaping the Indo-Pacific’s evolving dynamics.

In recent years, various steps have been taken to build strong and effective intra-BRICS economic cooperation. Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa have been meeting since 2009 and gained a lot of weightages on different areas of economic relevance. In this course, the contribution of India is very significant. The paper therefore aims to elucidate the bilateral relations of India with its BRICS counterparts. The study begins by stressing the importance of BRICS as a group and its importance in the context of India. The authors hold a descriptive methodology by adopting secondary data from various sources. The paper gives an overview of the individual bilateral relationship of India in terms of trade. Further, the study suggested how a change of policy and infrastructural development can make the relationship of India with BRICS counterparts much stronger and sustainable.

There has been a tectonic shift in the trade relationship between the United States (US) and China. This can be seen in the passage of new US legislation, recent US trade restrictions on exports and investment transactions with China, and worsening US relations with the World Trade Organization (WTO), particularly with its dispute resolution system. The Trump administration initiated a haphazard tariff and trade war with China, reversing decades of US trade policy pursuant to its long-standing stances of supporting free trade. To the dismay of many in the trade community within the US and globally, the trade actions by President Trump have been significantly extended and broadened by the Biden administration in its first two years, despite the expectation that it would reverse many of Trump’s policies. In this article, I present seven observations concerning President Trump’s and President Biden’s trade policies.