Lee, Sang-Oh. 1999. Chain Formation by Feature Checking and Scope Ambiguity. Studies in Modern Grammar 17, 123-140. This paper aims at providing a plausible explanatory mechanism on the relative scope ambiguity between quantifiers in one sentence. Aoun & Li`s (1989, 1993) Minimal Binding Requirement and Scope Princsple, which have explained such ambiguity relations between quantifiers, leave some technical and conceptional problems in that some stipulations are to be required. However, the newly formed chains based on feature-checking in the minimalist theory suggested in Kitahara(1993), i.e., the distinct chains formed by feature-checking motivation based on the minimalist theory, give clear ways of explanation on the scope ambiguity between quantifiers in a sentence without any stipulations. Thus, following the present trends treating relative scope ambiguity relations without recourse to the rule of Quantifier Raising(QR) could be crucially supported by this kind of feature-checking approach to the scope ambiguity between quantifiers. Furthermore, it supports the argument for the quantification theory without recourse to the rule of QR.

Lee, Sang-oh. 1998. Auxiliary Inversion of Wh-interrogative Questions and Checking. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 12, 125-139. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the auxiliary inversion and its checking relation of wh-interrogative questions in English in the light of various assumptions made by minimalist theory in linguistics. Following the basic hypothesis that the auxiliary inversion in wh-questions depends on the strength of the head C of CP, the requirement that the C of CP be filled by some element fulfills the operation of auxiliary inversion by being attracted (adjoined) to the question affix(Q). Furthermore, the data drawn from Belfast English and the successive cyclic A´-movement of wh-expressions are used to discuss the function of the specifiers of CP containing overt or null elements, which play important roles in explaining the auxiliary inversion in wh-interrogative questions. The constructions such as subject questions, non-interrogative embedded clauses, and non-interrogative questions are also discussed for the aim of suggestion that only the head feature of C of CP containing overt wh-specifiers is strong enough to attract the auxiliary into the question affix.