검색결과

검색조건
좁혀보기
검색필터
결과 내 재검색

간행물

    분야

      발행연도

      -

        검색결과 6

        1.
        2013.03 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        In this paper, I discuss a semantic aspect of the null degree word/operator in Korean clausal and phrasal comparatives to suggest the following: First, the null degree word in Korean comparatives can be replaced with overt deictic degree words (cf. Choe (2012)). Second, -pota may license a generic or a specific phrase, but not a non-specific phrase. Third, while deictic degree words in Korean are ambiguous between specific and non-specific, the null (deictic) degree word in Korean comparatives is non-specific so that -pota may not come directly after the "stripped" compared constituent containing the (non-specific) degree word. During the discussion, to explain a certain cross-linguistic difference between Korean and English, I also suggest that the null degree word in English can be ambiguous between specific and non-specific, unlike the one in Korean, and that the null degree word of the "stripped" compared constituent should be specific in English, because than also cannot license a non-specific phrase.
        2.
        2011.09 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        In this paper, mainly based on the data with the constituent XP-man-i ('XP-only-F'), I discuss some distributional and functional properties of the markers -ka in Korean to suggest that the marker -ka that is stacked on the dative marker -eykey ('to') or on particles like -man ('only') (which is generally called stacked -ka) is not a case marker, but a focus marker with a special function, and that unstacked -ka may also function as a focus marker in certain contexts. I also discuss further data with the marker -lul to suggest the following: First, stacked -lul is a focus marker and unstacked -lul may function as a focus marker in certain contexts, like unstacked -ka. Second, there are two types of focus markers, which differ in their morphological realization patterns. Based on the discussions, I conclude that case duplication or case stacking is not allowed in Korean.
        4.
        2002.06 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        5.
        2001.03 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        Hyon Sook Choe. 2001. Focus-sensitivity of Sentence Negation and a Movement Approach. Studies In Modern Grammar 23, 33-74. In this paper, I discuss the nature of the focus-sensitivity of sentence negation under a movement approach In Choe (2000), which adopts the following two assumptions: (1) negation is adverbial, negatively modifying either a focus or a quantifier phrase; (2) it moves for checking reasons. While a examining the counter-evidence against a movement approach discussed in the literature, which has been discussed in relation to two problems (the "constituency" problem and the "subjacency" problem), I show that the counter-evidence is apparent and that it in fact constitutes evidence in favor of the movement approach adopted here. During the discussion, I suggest that the notion of negating be understood in terms of the notions of feature negating and syntactic negating; and I show that the present suggestion makes it possible to understand both the nature of the focus-sensitivity of negation and he syntax and the semantics of negation in relation to various kinds of foci and in relation to a quantifier phrase.
        6.
        2000.03 KCI 등재 서비스 종료(열람 제한)
        Choe, Hyon Sook. 2000. Focus-sensitive Question and Copy Theory. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 27-48. In this paper, adopting a version of Chomsky`s (1971) conception of focus/presupposition (cf. also Dryer 1996), I suggest that yes-no question and wh-question refer to the information of focus and that the extraction of yes-no and wh-question operators (that are lexically inserted on a focus) is involved in yes-no and wh-questions. I also suggest that the concept of focus is both LF- and PF-related and that extraction in yes-no question and wh-question refers to PF-related focus information while yes-no and wh-question operators are lexically inserted on an LF-related focus (a focus category, here) so that only focus categories (which are not presupposed) can be questioned. Based on the above suggestion, I reinterpret the copy theory introduced in Chomsky (1993) by suggesting a notion of selective deletion under an hypothesis that the information on LF- and PF-related focus is syntactically available in terms of formal feature. The hypothesis makes it possible to suggest a copy theory that employs selective deletion but not QR, which is conceptually and theoretically better than a copy theory discussed in Chomsky (1993) and assumed in Chomsky (1995, 1998, 1999).