인도네시아어의 호칭어를 한국어로 번역하는 과정에서 나타나는 패턴 을 분석하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 호칭어와 번역 사이의 상관관계 는 언어와 문화의 차이를 반영하는 중요한 측면이다. 번역 과정에서 원 어의 뉘앙스와 감정을 효과적으로 전달하기 위해서는 적절한 대상 언어 의 등가어를 선택하는 것이 필수적이다. 본 연구는 수한드라(Suhandra 2014)의 호칭어 분류를 사용하여 인도네시아어 호칭어와 한국어 번역을 분석했다. 이를 통해 인도네시아어에서 한국어로 호칭어를 번역할 때 나 타나는 독특한 패턴과 문제를 파악하고, 이러한 발견을 바탕으로 효과적 인 번역 전략을 제안하였다. 또한 본 연구는 언어학, 번역학, 그리고 문 화 간 커뮤니케이션 분야의 향후 연구에 기여할 수 있는 실질적인 데이 터와 통찰력을 제공할 것으로 기대된다.

This study examines and compares the address terms in Korean textbooks and questionnaires, which are aimed at married migrant women. The results of the study show that among the eight major Korean address terms, the frequent uses of the kin and kinship address terms are founded in the Korean textbooks and married migrant women. Because they are bound by marriage, married migrant women talk more frequently with their husbands, parents-in-law, and relatives than the others. Moreover, due to their recent migration to Korea, they do not only connect with others but also cannot converse well in Korean. The results also illustrate that a few terms of address exist in Korean textbooks. While all address terms in Korean textbooks coincide with standard speech, some address terms revealed in questionnaires are not appropriate for standard speech. “obba” and “name (married migrant women)” are most frequently used between married migrant women and their husbands. Further, “ya, eo-i” is more frequently used by parents-in-law and relatives for addressing married migrant women. The address terms such as “obba,” “name,” and “ya, eo-i” are incorrect address terms for expressing the relationship between a husband and a wife—family. Both parties concerned with Korean textbooks and Korean education must devote considerable space, and time to teaching the address terms so that they can be used efficiently by married migrant women.

In English, some occupations are used as titles or address terms, while others are not. For example, doctor is a title and address term, but lawyer and teacher are not. In Korean, however, it is the other way around. This discrepancy among various occupations shows that there exist both linguistic and nonlinguistic conditions which are more than just "status" of the individual or the occupation concerned. According to Bell (1988), it is the absence of the definite article that endorses the descriptive noun phrase to become a title, a process which is achieved by pre-posing the descriptive noun phrase, e.g. linguist Chomsky. In Korean, it is the post-posing of the descriptive noun phrase that achieves the same result, e.g. Gim Jakka (Kim Writer). 105 native speakers of Korean were asked to judge whether or not 30 different occupations sound natural when they are used as titles or address terms. At least three conditioning factors were found to be necessary for higher acceptability: (1) high status of the occupation, including professionality, (2) a discourse context which is high in density in terms of social network, and (3) the occupation name with fewer than three syllables which cannot be abbreviated.