The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2270 against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test on January 6, 2016, and its subsequent rocket launch. This resolution contains tougher sanction measures than any others adopted in the past, but is not expected to effectively stop North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. This essay analyzes the critical loophole of the rule of law in global society regarding nuclear proliferation systems as well as regional governance. It further suggests legal and policy options to resolve this nuclear dilemma. The parties concerned are asked to alter the status quo of hostile co-existence and instead revert to the spirit of the Geneva Agreed Framework.

The two Japanese security laws which came into force on March 29, 2016, have faced severe domestic and international criticism. They are seen as representing a dramatic policy change in violation of due process and international norms, and representing a threat to international peace and security. This paper finds that while the direct implications of the “war” legislation are neither threatening nor without precedent, what the legislative process says about the nature of governance under Abe is deeply troubling. The disdain shown by the Abe administration to due process and constitutional procedures is what threatens domestic and international governance stability.

This paper examines critical issues in the current dispute between Lone Star and South Korea regarding Lone Star’s investment in the Korea Exchange Bank that has culminated in an investor-State dispute claim against Korea before an International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes arbitration panel. It further evaluates the merits and potential outcomes of each issue through careful analogy to preexisting international investor-State dispute awards, textual analysis of the bilateral tax and investment treaties between South Korea and Belgium, and publically available information regarding events during the course of Lone Star’s investments in Korea. In particular, it will address well-covered topics in international investment law such as nationality of corporations, fair and equitable treatment, and discriminatory treatment. It will also investigate burgeoning topics on breach of domestic law by third parties, breach of domestic law in the course of an investment, and the rights of an investor to raise tax-based investment claims.

Regarding warships, customary rules on innocent passage and freedom of navigation codified in the UNCLOS are far from being settled among State Parties. FONOPs impose the US understanding of rules on passage and navigation in each and every sea area, forcefully implementing deregulation in order for the US to create a navyfriendly environment for its worldwide mission. By implementing another agenda of carrying out the new US policy of “Pivot to Asia,” the FONOPs in the South China Sea challenge the very heart of China’s sovereignty, and may bring about adverse effect to the process of peaceful settlement of territorial issues and maritime disputes in the South China Sea region. China believes the US FONOPs in the South China Sea are offensive to its sovereignty. Moreover, their adverse effect to the process of peaceful settlement of territorial issues and maritime disputes in the South China Sea region cannot be ignored.

The USS Lassen’s October 2015 South China Sea freedom of navigation operation was exemplary in some respects and cautionary in others. This article argues the Lassen’s mission to sail within 12 nautical miles of one of China’s artificial islands was a successful albeit exploratory challenge because the operation has helped to clarify maritime claims in the region and garnered international support for continued operations. This paper examines the US Freedom of Navigation Program’s broader goals of benefiting the international community with a rules-based system. It also argues that increased transparency is essential if these goals are to be achieved. This article analyzes China’s unclarified claims in the South China Sea and explores the concept of “psycho-legal boundaries” in relation to the so-called nine-dash line. It concludes by presenting suggestions for plotting a proper path forward for FONOPs in the region with an emphasis on protecting the marine environment.

The exploitation of the underwater cultural heritage (UCH) involves various competing interests, which are of private and public, commercial and non-commercial nature. The 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH) aims to deal with various issues apropos those competing interests. Its basic concerns include how UCH should be best protected, how in situ preservation should be practised, whether UCH should be commercialized at all or not, and whether salvage should be included in the UCH law. This paper examines these said competing interests and then looks for a balance between them. With an in-depth analysis of the concerned principles and rules, it argues for combination of ‘mutuality interests’ in consonance with the basic legislative scheme of the CPUCH. This approach is meant for the exploitation of UCH both for commercial and noncommercial purposes, which would, in fact, fulfill the expectation of the international community.

In order to address climate change, the international community established a regulatory framework in addition to adaptation and mitigation strategies being at its core, and adopted “common, but differentiated responsibility” as the fundamental principle behind the international climate change regime. However, the climate change regime has reached an impasse in recent years. This paper suggests that “common and symmetrical responsibility” should become the central organizing principle of the future climate regime in order to resolve disagreements among countries and encourage the initiative by the international community. This paper not only provides an analysis of the “bridging mechanism for adaptation and mitigation,” based primarily on the allocation of quantified emissions, limitation and reduction commitments and the sharing of multilateral climate funds, but also discusses the “cut-or-fund” scheme and “cut-and-fund” scheme in in developed and developing States, respectively under this mechanism.

There are approximately 116 straits used for international navigation around the world. Some of them are important international maritime chokepoints, namely the Dover Strait, Hormuz Strait, Straits of Malacca and Singapore and the Russian straits across the Northeast Arctic Passage. Due to the high number of navigational traffic going through these straits, vessel-source pollution is endemic in these waters. This article examines the applicable international legal framework on protection of the marine environment of straits used for international navigation such as Part XII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and other related legal measures like International Maritime Organization conventions on protection of the marine environment. This article concludes by stating that the present framework is not sufficient in properly balancing two vital interests in the maritime world – protection of the marine environment vis-à-vis shipping.

The ad hoc international criminal tribunals addressing the mass atrocities involving such extraordinary crimes like genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes have developed a delicate and intricate judicial scheme of ‘delayed disclosure.’ Against the backdrop of the unique gravity of egregious atrocities, ‘delayed disclosure’ aims at respecting the fundamental interests of both the accused and the witnesses, which has turned out to be an exceptionally challenging judicial exercise. Striking a balance between the rights of the accused to have adequate time to prepare his defence on the one hand, the protection of identifying information of witnesses who may be subject to serious danger or threat requires highly disciplined judicial vigilance on the other. For the purpose of elucidating the demanding challenges involving the practice of ‘delayed disclosure,’ this paper explores the relevant rules and case law of the ICTY and the ICTR.

Until the late nineteenth century, the history of international law was remarkably Eurocentric. In the early twentieth century, however, a number of Chinese intellectuals examined and demonstrated existence of international law through the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Period in China. They used international law as a symbol of civilisation to express a gesture of resistance toward the Western imperial oppression and cultural invasion. In this way, Chinese intellectuals hoped to maintain, publicise, or even resurrect China’s rich cultural tradition in a global order governed by the West. Their endeavour represented an important variable in the European imperialist expansion process and constituted political interaction with western ideas to create a truly universal discourse. Unfortunately, most of their efforts have almost been forgotten. What the readers could perceive from these faded writings are not only academic assertions, but also the final splendour of an aged empire.

The development of the law of self-determination has been stagnant in terms of scope and content in its application in the postcolonial context. It requires a new paradigm to persuade the United Nations, its specialized agencies and affiliated organizations to address current phenomenon regarding normative, institutional and community awareness. This research has revealed that the essential meaning of self-determination is a remedial means for an oppressed person both in colonial and postcolonial context. While the colonial context has ended, postcolonial self-determination remains focussed on both repairing the historical wrongs of the colonial context, responding to the breakdown of a state, and recovering from persistent violations against anyone in the State. Accordingly, this paper will contribute to the development of guidelines for these applications: which primarily refer to some degree of internal self-determination (autonomy); and when this proves unsuccessful, external self-determination (independent) can be proposed as the last resort.

After Tza Yap Shum v. Peru, the case of Sanum v. Laos, brought by a Macanese investor, reattracted public attention to the critical issue of the applicability of the People’s Republic of China Bilateral Investment Treaties in China’s Special Administrative Regions. The Permanent Court of Arbitration held the PRC-Laos BIT extends to Macao according to the purpose and context of the BIT, but its reasoning is not tenable as its logic is flawed. In comparison, in the appeal, the conclusion reached by the Singapore High Court seems plausible, but there are still queries to the Court’s admission of further evidence. The author argues that the PRC BITs are not applicable to Macao and Hong Kong, on the basis of analyzing the treaty interpretation methodologies of this case. Notwithstanding the fact that the final award has not been rendered as of now, the Sanum v. Laos Case carries significant meaning to investment protection in China’s SARs.

Building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is a new initiative for international cooperation. It will have a positive impact on the peaceful use of the South China Sea by encouraging a Code of Conduct to Parties in the South China Sea between China and ASEAN members; realizing a breakthrough of jointly developing oil and gas resources in the area; promoting comprehensive cooperation in maritime non-traditional security field; and providing a peaceful external environment for the South China Sea dispute settlement. The South China Sea dispute is a negative challenge to building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. However, the pace building should not be stopped because of it. In the future, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will be on the international consensus as an international legal regime. Also, it will improve the domestic legal system regarding building the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road for China as well as the countries along the Belt and Road, especially the ASEAN members.

This research offers a concise retrospect on the South-South Coalition Strategy within multilateral trade negotiations of the GATT/WTO framework. The SSC strategy evolved in the postwar era, when the South integrated itself to demand for a New International Economic Order featured by fairness of outcome in international economic rules and activities. It then encountered an opponent trend of neo-liberalism, through which the South practically decided to sectoral exchange of economic interests with the North. From the new millennium onward, the South is learning to adopt a more issue-specific SSC strategy in trade negotiations. Although a question is arising for the future of SSC because of some emerging nations rising out from the traditional South group, a timely reflection from an evolutionary perspective would facilitate the understanding of the SSC strategy for weak countries to establish a fairer international economic order.

This paper examines the new trends of interaction between the legal transformations in China and the international investment treaties, focusing on the legal reforms after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Eighteenth Party Central Committee Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th Party Central Committee of the PRC of 2014 (2014 FPS). It envisages that the 2014 FPS will impose significant influence on the current legal system in China, on the forthcoming Foreign Investment Law of China, and eventually on the negotiation and application of the international investment treaties concluded by China because the CPC Central Committee Decision on Certain significant Issues regarding the Comprehensive Promotion of Law (PCC Decision) has demonstrated the directions of legal constructions and reforms explicitly and comprehensively from the administrative, judicial, social, and jurist perspectives, which constitutes the most inclusive PCC Decision regarding Chinese law and justice.

In 1999, Professor Philip Nichols argued that FCPA-style home country laws are efficient in combating transnational bribery, unlike host country regulation and corporate selfregulation. Observing feeble results obtained in 15 years of OECD Anti-bribery Convention, we find arguments for amending this assertion; home countries, aside from enforcing their own laws banning foreign bribery, should reconsider the classical ways of fighting transnational corruption, by helping host governments in their anti-corruption efforts and by encouraging their own corporations to join international dialogic webs. After presenting an original analysis of the reasons behind the limited impact of FCPA-style action, we would then further argue for the two alternative solutions backed by home states, looking respectively at the spectacular results of the anti-corruption campaign in Romania with US support, and at China’s recent position that her corporations should adhere to international private standards on foreign bribery.