In this paper, we will consider the status of two types of PP subjects in [Spec, TP]: inverted PP in locative inversion and non-inverted PP in PP subject constructions. On the basis of the assumption that the syntactic expression can be determinable under the meaning of the verb (Levin & Rappaport 1995), we will propose Unaccusativity Condition in order to explain the status of PP subjects. This condition claims that PPs in [Spec, TP] that denote a time, place, or manner are restricted to unaccusativity status of the verb. This functional approach provides us with a unified analysis of two kinds of PP subjects in [Spec, TP].

Kiyang Kwon. 2003. `That-t` Effects and the C-T Relation. Studies in Modern Grammar 32, 89-110. In this paper, we will consider the account of subject extraction out of `that`-clauses based on the split C strategy (Szczegielniak 1999) and the C-T Agree relation (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001) and point our their problems. According to Pesetsky and Torrego (2001), the C-T Agree relation is morphologically expressed in two ways: by merging `that` or merging the feature content of T (along with Agr) in C. However, we have assumed that if `do` in English is associated with a question, it is not independently attested as the realization of T but the realization of Q in c, serving as the interrogative morpheme. To obtain this argument, we have proposed the Q-feature of C as a property to determine the type of a clause. The Q-feature of C plays a role of distinguishing an interrogative C from a declarative C and can serve as a probe to seek the element with the interrogative morpheme, such as `-ni` in Korean.

Ki - y ang Kw on . 2002. Loc ativ e Inv ers ion and EPP . S t ud ie s in M od e rn Gramma r 27, 37- 56 . In this paper, we will analyze locative inversion constructions under the framework of Agree theory in Chomsky (1998, 1999). We face two problems in locative inversion constructions with respect to Agree theory . First, the preposed PP does not agree with the verb. Second, what is the activated element of the preposed PP? To solve these problems, we will suggest that PP in locative inversion be moved not by the synt actic requirement but by the phonological requirement of the functional head. Given this, we may assume that EPP - feature is satisfied not by the syntactic move or merge but by the phonetic realization.

Ki-yang Kwon. 2000. Some Notes on the Intervention Effects of Feature Agree. Studies in Modern Grammar 22, 65-85. In this paper, we will canvass the locality effect on movement in the framework of the Agree strategy (Chomsky 1998, 1999). In the framework of the Agree theory of locality effect on movement, Chomsky (1998) proposes the possibility of Defective Intervention Constraints. Following Chomsky (1998), we will suggest that blocking effects on movement are induced not by inherently inactive element but by structurally inactive element. To support our suggestion, we will consider the intervention effect induced by `there`, and the opaque effect of an inherently case marked argument in English, French, and Georgian.