코로나19 팬데믹이 촉발한 대규모 실업으로 소득급감과 소득단절이 일어나고 있고, 이는 다시 재난의 불평등―이른바 ‘팬데믹 카스트 제도(pandemic caste system)’의 출현―을 야기 하고 있다. 방역에 성공했다고 평가받는 한국도 예외는 아니어서 코로나19발 고용충격으로 심한 몸살을 앓고 있다. 이에 문재인 정부는 2020년 12월 고용안전망 개혁을 단행하여 ‘전국 민고용보험’과 ‘국민취업지원제도’의 시행에 들어갔다. 기존에 유일한 고용안전망이었던 고용보험제도는 사각지대가 넓어서 코로나19발 고용충격을 제대로 흡수하지 못했기 때문이다. 특히, 임시·일용직, 간접고용노동자, 특수고용노동자, 영세자영업자 등 불안정 노동자들이 실업급여의 혜택을 전혀 보지 못하는 것이 큰 문제가 됐다. 코로나19 때문이기는 하나 전국민고용보험과 국민취업지원제도의 시행은 한국 복지정책사에 결코 작지 않은 의미를 지닌다. 이들 제도의 시행을 통해 비로소 한국이 ‘중층적 고용안전망’―1차 고용안전망(사회보험인 고 용보험)과 2차 고용안전망(공공부조인 실업부조)을 모두 완비한―을 가진 나라가 됐기 때문 이다. 따라서 이 논문에서는 코로나19를 계기로 단행된 한국 고용안전망 개혁의 현황과 특성에 대해서 다루고자 한다. 구체적으로, 코로나19 이전에 유일한 고용안전망이었던 고용보험 제도의 특성과 한계에 대해서 살펴본 다음, 코로나19 이후 새로 시행된 전국민고용보험과 국민취업지원제도를 검토하여 한국 고용안전망의 개혁 현황과 특성에 대해서 살펴보고자 한다.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the contribution of the local government’s policy experiments to the development of community welfare, focusing on the political efficacy of local governments: When attempting innovative policy experiments, the cost of failure is small while the ripple effect is large. In particular, from the perspective of ‘cost-efficient innovation’, this paper analyzes the mechanism of local government’s welfare politics (i.e. policy experiments of local governments → improving efficiency and effectiveness of community welfare → local social innovation → enhancing citizens’ quality of life). Through these analyses, this paper argues that the welfare politics of Local Autonomous Entity, including local governments, should be activated in order to continuously develop South Korea’s community welfare. This is because it is politics that can change a series of systems and culture that surround us. This paper is divided into three parts. First, a review on the basics needed to politically understand South Korea’s community welfare. Second, an exploration on how the local government’s ‘innovative policy experiments’ are developing community welfare. Third, an emphasis on the significance of politics in the development of community welfare, and some suggestions for vitalizing the welfare politics of local governments in South Korea.

In South Korea, low fertility rate has become a big social issue, making the term ‘ultra low fertility rate’ common. Currently, South Korea, like many other leading industrialized countries, is coping with the problem of low fertility with a focus on the work-life balance policy. Unfortunately, South Korea’s work-life balance policy has been criticized as not so successful. Especially, it has been pointed out that the policy effects are being compromised because ‘it is not because there is no system, but the existing system does not work properly.’ This means that work-life balance policy in South Korea has a structural and fundamental problem. In this regard, it is necessary to reflect on policy discourses and instruments that determine the goals, directions and content of the policy. The result of the analysis in this paper reveals that South Korea’s work-life balance policy consists of the discourse of ‘raising the fertility rate’ and its policy instruments. It mobilizes citizens for the national goals of social reproduction and sustainable growth. It could be said that this reversal of purpose and means was because the policy makers and executives were buried in developmentalist thinking―in pursuit of materialistic social development. In this respect, in order for South Korea’s work-life balance policy to be on its way, it is urgently required that it should shift its policy paradigm to change practices and cultures. This paper argues that such a paradigm shift should be based on a ‘Social Quality Approach’. Only when we pursue humanistic social development in the planning and implementation of policies and continue to monitor and supplement related systems under this stance, can we achieve a stable and effective work-life balance policy.

This article aims to critically examine gender inequality in the domestic labor which is the biggest obstacle to building a gender equal society in the 21st century. Gender inequality in the domestic labor is basically attributable to gender division of labor. Gender division of labor neglects the socioeconomic value of domestic labor, and takes the unpaid domestic labor of women for granted. However, it is unavoidable that this trend cannot continue in an aging and low fertility society. This is because it contradicts to not only the various social systems but also to the basic directions of social policies in an aging and low fertility society. This article reviews the causes and actualities of gender inequality in the domestic labor with a focus on gender

Since the end of the World War II, welfare states had enjoyed golden age for about 30 years before facing stagnation and crises during the 1980s and 1990s. Seeing this, many proponents for convergence including advocates for globalization went wild as if welfare states were facing their end, but in reality they were not. This is because welfare states were empirically proven to be still strong as the 2000s started. As a result, arguments saying welfare states are not declining but are restructuring started to gain credence. In addition, new theories about welfare states supporting these arguments began to draw attention. These theories criticized ‘convergence statement’ saying neo-liberal globalization would bring about reduction of welfare states worldwide, and at the same time, highlighted that in each country there existed various factors preventing reduction of welfare states. That is, this signaled the emergence of welfare states theories that could be categorized as proponents of divergence. Among them, partisan politics approach, institutionalist approach (new institutionalism), the VoC (Varieties of Capitalism) approach are representative theories that support ‘divergence in welfare states.’ Focusing on these three theories, this study will look at the trend in the latest welfare state theories and, through this, will see where the theoretical horizon of study on welfare states has reached. Given that welfare states are ever changing social organisms, it is necessary to see in what conditions these welfare states currently are and what changes in them are expected in the future.

The study is to analyze how properly microcredit program is designed to fit the mission and target group in case of Social Solidarity Bank in South Korea, and how inadequate management infrastructure in the organization can hamper effective carrying out of the programs. The study found that contrary to the intention to be integrated program, in reality, loan and follow-up service are given more emphasis over education service under current practices. As evidence, there were no educational personnel. Neither were there enough loan and follow-up officers to provide one to one services in order to meet the needs of targets in the microcredit program. It reflects the difficulty in securing funds for education and follow-up service. Therefore, there is a great need for alternative financial resources for follow-up service and education. In order to sustain the vital loan service which depends on contribution and government grant, there is need to vitalize private contribution and direct support from government.

This study aims to analyze the characteristics, causes, and context of youth unemployment.This study will focus, in particular, on why youth unemployment needs more attentionthan in any other age group. The young are relatively disadvantaged compared to the middle-aged who enjoy first mover advantage. This is why the segmentation accordingto age group in labor markets is considered a primary issue in social policies, includinglabor market policy. Based on these arguments, this study discusses two major issues. First,based on theoretical discussions regarding labor markets and unemployment, this study will look at some general ideas and particulars that the young unemployed have. Youth unemployment has both ‘general characteristics’, as a sub category to unemployment and‘demographical particularities’ as unemployment issues particular to certain age groups. Second, this study will examine where unemployment among the young in South Koreastands by looking at the current status and structure of the youth labor market in SouthKorea. By doing so, this study will discuss what youth unemployment policies should bepursued both politically and economically, in order to address these issues.