Urbanization is one of the leading causes of habitat loss, habitat degradation, and fragmentation. Urban development negatively affects biodiversity. This study aimed to clarify the change of butterfly communities on effect of urbanization in urban green areas. Butterfly survey was conducted using the line transect methods from April to October in 2012. A total of 59 species and 1,465 individuals of butterflies were observed in four urban green areas: Namsan Park (NS), Ewha Womans University (EW), Bukseoul Dream Forest (BD), and Hongneung Forest (HF), and natural forest: Gwangneung Forest (GF). The category of land use around study site was determined based on GIS data. Species richness and abundance of niche breadth and habitat type in urban green areas differed significantly from those in GF. Estimated species richness and species diversity (H’) in four urban green areas were significantly lower than those in GF. Species richness and abundance of forest interior species and specialist were positively correlated with paddy, field, and forest, whereas those of forest interior species and specialist were negatively correlated with urban area and road. Butterfly communities in four urban green area differed from that in GF. The result suggests that the decrease of paddy, field, and forest associated with increase of urban area and road negatively influences species composition and changes butterfly communities.

This paper suggests that wh-arguments such as ``who`` and ``what`` are DP-arguments, whereas a wh-adjunct ``why`` is an NP-adverbial (introduced by a null preposition). Under this proposal, it will be claimed that wh-arguments can check the u[Wh] within the DP without movement due to the presence of the head D bearing the [Q], whereas a wh-adjunct ``why`` must move to check its u[Wh] due to lack of the D. This claim will be illustrated by the asymmetry arising between wh-arguments and wh-adjunct ``why`` in the Islands in Korean/Japanese, supporting that the Phase Impenetrability Condition constrains covert wh-movement as well as overt wh-movement.

This paper provides a way for the expletive there to associate directly with its indefmite DP via Agree between their Sc` -features in narrow-syntactic derivation. It is claimed that in English, External Merge of there with _u[person] and _u[Case] features need to be allowed in the Spec of a weak v, where no θ-role is assigned to there and the there-argument link can be established by assuming that the _u[person] feature of there is valued via Agree with the φ-set of the associate DP. It is assumed that there and an indefinite DP are selected as a pair in the Sub-Lexical Array. A single θ-role and a unique Case value may thus be given to them. The single θ-role will be saturated as they merge into the weak vP and the unique Case value will be given to them via Multiple Agree with a higher T or v during the derivation. These are based on the assumption that Multiple Agree takes place sequentially, but not simultaneously, contra Chomsky (2001). Sequential application of Multiple Agree may contribute to rendering the computation purely derivational and remove the distinction of Multiple Agree from Agree.

Jaecheol Lee. 2001. Antecedent Contained Deletion and LF Pied Piping. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 67-90. In this paper, we prove that LF pied-piping is required for the resolution of Antecedent Contained Deletion(ACD), and that the theory-internal motives for the LF pied-piping results from economy considerations; LF convergence and the Last Resort. ACD resolution requires LF pied piping of an entire phrase out of categories that contain it. We argue that the LF pied-piping movements by Quantifier Raising and Rightward movement are triggered for the purpose of resolving the infinite regress problem in ACD configuration. Both movements are necessary to satisfy Full Interpretation at LF. We propose that QR is driven by a QU-feature, which triggers LF pied-piping of a quantificational expression in ACD configuration. The checking of QU-feature arises because the interpretively redundant QU-features on QP and its target are not allowed at the interface, which result in the violation of the principle of full interpretation. Rightward movement is driven by the Last Resort, chosen only when QR cannot occur in ACD construction.

Jaecheol Lee. 2000. The Intervention Effects and the Typology of Wh-Specifiers. Studies in Modern Grammar 20, 133-156. In this paper, we examine whether the tax-paying strategy proposed by Norvin (1998) is justified in both the Wh-feature movement and the phrasal Wh-movement. Following the tax-paying strategy, once the first instance of movement to α has obeyed Attract Closest(AC), the other instances of movement to α need not satisfy it since the first operation to α has already paid AC tax. We assume that Wh-phrasal movement pays AC tax and Subjacency tax while Wh-feature movement pays only AC tax. They are supported by the following facts.: (i) multiple Wh-questions in Bulgarian, or (ii) the Superiority effects, Island phenomena and Weak Crossover constructions in English. We argue that the typology of Wh-Comlementizers play a crucial role in explaining the multiple questions in Bulgarian and English, the lack of the Superiority effects in German, and the Intervention effects in Korean and Japanese. Finally, we argue that the scope-bearing elements such as negations and quantifiers induce the Intervention effects only when they cause the separation construction of Wh-phrase through the Wh-feature movement or the Wh-operator movement without pied-piping of the whole DP. They are evidenced by the data in English, Korean, and Japanese.