It is argued in this article that the crucial aspects of syntactic change in the history of English are derived from the fact assumption that the LCA is applied to lexical items individually in the [CP-VP] clause structure of Old English, yielding various patterns of AUX, V and O placement. In the meantime the LCA is applied directly to the clause structure [CP-TP-vP-VP] of Modern English, thus deriving the fixed word order. With the assumption that Old English AUX and V are base-generated in the same position of VP under the [CP-VP] structure, one of both should move out of VP in order to asymmetically c-command each other due to the LCA requirements, deriving AUX-V order or V-AUX order in the surface subordinate clauses of Old English. After the introduction of TP and vP in Middle English, however, it is argued that AUX and V are base-generated in TP and vP respectively, showing the structure where TP asymmetically c-commands vP. Thus the word order change in the history of English is shown to be derived from the LCA availability.

This study makes an attempt to argue for the so-called `Strongest Minimalist Thesis` as an optimal alternative to Chomsky`s (2001, 2004, 2005a, 2005b) Strong Minimalist Thesis. I prove, based on the perspective of the modern biolinguistics, that the innate faculty of language, so far assumed in the Strong Minimalist Thesis, doesn`t exist and, therefore, the narrow syntax must be eliminated from the grammar system just as a major real imperfection. Furthermore, I propose a new grammar framework, that is, the Language Generation System along the line of the Strongest Minimalist Thesis suggested in this study.

Kwang-sup Kim. 2003. QR and Minimalism. Studies in Modern Grammar 31, 47-69. In the Minimalist Program there are two opposite views about QR. Hornstein(1999) claims that there is no QR, and the effect of QR is a by-product of A-movement. He proposes that the A-approach enables us to explain the locality QR, while maintaining the Modularity Hypothesis. On the other hand, Fox (2000) departs from the Modularity Hypothesis, arguing that there is QR and QR takes place only when it gives a semantic effect. After pointing out empirical problems of both approaches, this paper proposes that QR can be eliminated by making use of AGREE operation. Furthermore, this paper advocates the position that the Modularity Hypothesis must be maintained.

Sung - Hy uk Park . 2002 . T he Ex tended Projection Principle in the Minimali s t Prog ram . S t ud ie s in M od e rn Gram ma r 27, 1- 35 . The Extended Projection Principle (EPP ), which requires that clauses have subject s, has been playing a central role in Chomsky ' s generative grammar ever since it was proposed in Chomsky (1981, 1982). The EPP, however, shifts from a requirement on clausal structure to a requirement on feature checking in the Minimalist Program, i.e., a feature on the head T of TP. From its inception on to the present , the EPP has had a flavor of oddity in that it is not a principle of its own standing, despite it s name. In Chomsky ' s (1981, 1982) original formulation, the principle is incorporated into the clause- expanding phrase structure rule, whereas in the Minimalist Program, the EPP feature is assumed to be a feature of a feature. All in all, the EPP is largely stipulative and redundant, hence it may be suggested that the principle should be eliminated from the grammar . Proposals have been presented by quite a few syntacticians to derive the EPP effect from some independent principle(s ) and/or module(s) of the grammar . Among these proposals, Bo kovi (2001) seems to be the most promising one. His explanation of the so- called intermediate EPP effect, however, needs some qualification if it is to be true to the basic tenet of the Minimalist Program that every movement is feature- driven.

Sun-Woong Kim. 2001. A Study on the EPP in the Minimalist Program: the EPP as a PF Requirement. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 47-66. The general aim of this paper is to explore the nature and role of the EPP within the Minimalist Program of generative grammar. This paper draws the conclusion that the EPP effect is captured by V to I head movement. Specifically, the EPP effect will be shown to be a side effect or epiphenomena of the head movement at PF (Chomsky 1999) plus an effect of configurationally defined θ-theory. This conclusion will be shown to remedy drawbacks of recent proposals of Kim (2000) and Jang (2000). This paper also attempts to reject the morphological feature checking approach to the EPP, whether it is a categorial feature checking or a Case feature checking. Furthermore, if head movement is a PF process, it can be concluded that the EPP effect is eventually a PF requirement that the Spec-T must be filled with some category that contains argumenthood in it. If the conclusions of this paper are on the right track, Lasnik`s (2000) doubt that only the EPP is configurational can be solved in a natural way.

Yong-Suk Kim. 2000. A Morpho-Syntactic Analysis of Reflexives: A Minimalist Approach. Studies in Modern Grammar 19, 1-26. This study proposes a minimalist DP-analysis of the internal structure of reflexives in natural languages, along with Chomsky`s (1995) assumptions. This analysis proves that X^0-reflexives as well as XP reflexives should syntactically fall under the DP structure, as expected in Abney (1987). Consequently, the analysis uncovers the following long-pending mysteries: (i) why English has the occurrence of only phrasal reflexives; (ii) why phrasal reflexives consist of a pronominal element and a reflexive morpheme; (iii) why so many different types of reflexives are empirically identified in Korean. Besides, this study illustrates that the contrast of long-distance anaphora between X^0-reflexives and XP reflexives is attributed to the analyzability of the D head of X^0-reflexives as LF clitic, which is assumed to cliticize to a higher relevant functional category at LF.