We analyzed the records on the reign style and the calendrical data presented in the Samguksagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) and the epigraph of the Three Kingdoms (Silla, Goguryeo, and Baekje) period in Korea (B.C. 57 – A.D. 935) to verify the chronological tables of the period that are currently in use. For the epigraph of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, we utilized the database provided by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. By analyzing the records on the reign style, first, we found that the Yeonpyo (Chronological Table) of the Samguksagi is tabularized using the reign style of the Caowei for the period of Three Kingdoms of China (Caowei, Shuhan, and Sunwu) (A.D. 220 – 280). Second, we found that the reign style of the Silla was promulgated during the reign period of a king, which was usually promulgated when a king acceded in China. Third, we found that the reign styles presented in historical materials showed agreement with those of the Yeonpyo except for two cases in the Goguryeo. Concerning the records on the calendrical data, first, we confirmed that accession years of kings Michu, Beobheung, Seondeok, Minae, Gyeongmun, and Seongdeok. On the other hand, we found probable errors in the record of accession years for the kings Munja, Wideok, Aejang, and Heonan. Next, we found that the records of the length of a lunar month, leap month, and cyclic day showed agreement with the current chronological table except for several cases. In particular, cyclic days in the solar eclipse account had a relatively large number of discrepancies. We believe that these errors might have been caused by the inaccurate identification of a year in the records of the Three Kingdoms while determining the year by referring to Chinese historical documents. Finally, we found that the starting point was included while counting a year, at least from the Three Kingdoms period, similar to the current method of counting age in Korea. However, we point out that the starting point should be excluded when the term “after” is used in the expression. We believe that this study is very useful to verify the current chronological table of the Three Kingdoms period in Korea.

In this study, solar eclipse records were investigated during the Three Kingdoms era of ancient Korea using astronomical calculations and numerical simulations. Under the condition that the solar eclipses were actually observed at the well known capitals of the Three Kingdoms, I investigated the probabilities that the optimal observation areas of the Early Silla, Goguryeo, and Baekje records would appear around Chinese continent. I found higher probabilities than those suggested by Park and La (1994), although the numerical values are still low, especially in the case of the Early Silla records. On the other hand, the probability that the optimal observation area of the Later Silla records will be present around South Korea is only 13.6%, although the area shows a good match with the known capital. I also analyzed the number distribution of the eclipse records for the Three Kingdoms (except for the latter Silla's) according to the observers' locations: at the optimal observation areas and at the known capitals. And then I compared with the number distribution of all eclipses observable from those locations. From the χ2-test, I found that the Goguryeo and Baekje records had better representation of their population distributions at the latter regions (χ2=27.93 and 205.5) than at the former ones (χ2=34.19 and 211.5). Therefore, it is difficult to conclude that the observers' locations during the Three Kingdoms period were either near China, as suggested by Park and La, or in the Korean peninsula, solely based on these results. It is thus recommended that more studies are required to confirm the real observers' locations during the Three Kingdoms era.

우리나라 불교수용에 따른 토속신앙과의 관계에 대해서는 여러 학자들에 의 해 연구되어 왔지만, 山寺의 확산으로 인한 보살주처신앙의 성립 및 그 연관성 에 대해서는 충분한 연구가 이루어지지 못하였다. 이에 본고에서는 삼국시대 산지 사찰이 정착하는 과정에서 겪었던 토속적 산신신앙과의 갈등 및 극복, 그 리고 통일 이후 화엄 신앙의 정착과 중국으로부터 전래된 보살주처신앙이 우리 나라에 미친 영향에 대해 살펴보았다. 삼국시대 불교 전래 이후 불교신앙이 대중화됨에 따라 왕경 근처의 평지에 사 찰이 세워졌을 뿐만 아니라 山地에도 사찰이 건립되었고, 이 현상은 지방으로 까지 번져갔다. 그 과정에서 山寺의 승려와 토속의 산신 숭배자 사이에 갈등이 일어났다. 갈등의 양상은 지역에 따라 차이는 있었겠지만 대체로 불교신앙이 산신신앙을 압도하였고, 산은 불교신앙 공간으로 탈바꿈해갔다. 통일 이후에도 왕실에 의한 山神祭는 계속되었고, 전국의 名山을 三山‧五岳‧二十四山으로 나누어 大祀‧中祀‧小祀를 지내기도 했다. 하지만 이러한 제사가 불 교신앙을 약화시키지는 못했다. 오히려 그 名山에 사찰을 세움으로써 불교의 기도처를 전국에 확대하였다. 이는 왕경을 중심으로 진행되고 있던 신라불국토 의 염원이 전국으로 확대되는 것이기도 했다. 그 과정에서 중국으로부터 전래 된 화엄신앙의 한 형태인 보살주처신앙을 수용하여 우리나라의 오대산, 천관산, 낙산 등에 보살이 상주한다는 믿음이 생겨났다. 이는 불국토를 실현하고자 했던 신라인의 염원이 발현된 것이기도 했다. 그리 고 그러한 염원이 더욱 확대되면서 산에는 磨崖佛이 새겨지고 새로운 불교설화 가 만들어졌으며, 더 많은 산에 사찰들이 세워졌던 것으로 보인다. 그리고 세월 이 흐르면서 산 이름이 사찰명으로 변화되기도 하고 사찰명이 산 이름으로 바 뀌기도 하면서 산에 불교적 신비성이 가미되어왔다.