Despite both travel and work being vital for human functioning, inconsistent views on whether they’re opposing domains, a so-called work-leisure conflict, are documented in tourism and management literature. For example, some researchers argued that leisure activities may damage people’s job performance based on the compensatory reasoning in the short run (e.g., consume time and vigor), while others, in contrast, proposed that leisure and travel may contribute to one’s work efficiency due to recovering from stress, self-development, and so forth. To add more understanding to this dilemma, this research proposes a novel role that tourism memory plays in enhancing people’s creativity at the individual level, a key factor in individual and organizational success. Thus, the proposed effect illustrates that travel might be conducive to job performance in the long run.

Service recovery strategies have been examined for their effectiveness in compensating for the customer’s loss and in restoring customer satisfaction. Current research on service recovery has largely focused on the customer involved. For instance, the most common recovery strategies hotels used for the guest involved are compensatory (e.g., discount), corrective (e.g., correction), and personal response (e.g., apology). Service recovery research suggest that, while corrective responses are viewed by customers as the minimal action, both apology and compensation have been shown to be effective in increasing customer satisfaction (e.g., Goodwin & Ross, 1992). Due to the prevalence of online reviews, our understanding of service failure and recovery must expand beyond the customer involved to include potential customers who are searching online. The difference between the customer involved and the potential customer is that while the focal customer suffered an economic or psychological loss, the potential customer has not. Past studies suggest that this difference may change the attribution tendency of potential customers (e.g., Wan, Chan, & Su, 2011). Consequently, one can expect that potential customers may use different criteria in assessing recovery strategies. For instance, in line with the equity theory which posits that people in general seek fairness in social interactions (Blodgett et al., 1997), potential customers might be more concerned about justice rather than the compensation. From the company’s perspective, in order to recover effectively from a service failure, it must know whether what works for the customer involved would also work for potential customers. The current research provides evidence that potential customers’ reaction to an online review and a hotel reply is contingent on the perceived similarity between this potential customer and the focal guest (i.e., the customer involved in the incident that the review describes), the type of hotel reply (i.e., no reply, apology, and explanation with no apology). Moreover, results suggest that the psychological mechanism that underlies this relationship is not due to negative emotions but a sense of vulnerability.

Although the majority of prior literature has suggested the key reasons for consumer complaining in service failures are to vent negative emotions (e.g. anger, dissatisfaction) and to seek redress (Blodgett, Hill, & Tax 1997; Nyer 1997), some research has also pointed out that customers will give constructive suggestions to firms through complaining (Groth, 2005; Liu & Mattila, 2015). In this regard, consumer complaining can be classified into two types, namely, positive complaint (i.e., with constructive suggestion) and negative complaint (i.e., without constructive suggestion). Understanding what situations would dissatisfied consumers choose to give constructive suggestions in service failures would be of utmost important to firms. We suggest that a firm’s brand image may affect consumers’ intention to choose what types of complaint in service failures. In general, consumers may perceive a brand as having a competence image (e.g., professional and efficient) or having a warmth image (e.g., friendly and approachable) (Kervyn, Fiske and Malone, 2012). Comparatively speaking, a warmth image is associated with friendship and caring, whereas a competence image is associated with expertise. Therefore, it is possible that consumers would have a higher empathy and intention to help a firm with a warmth (vs. competent) image, and be more likely to choose positive complaint when a failure happens to this firm. An experimental study confirmed this prediction. In addition, we found that although a firm’s competence (vs. warmth) image does not affect the likelihood to give constructive suggestions in service failures, it leads to a higher level of return intention. Implications and future research directions will be discussed.

There has been a heated discussion worldwide over tourist deviances that disrupt lives of local residents and cause damage to companies, city authorities, and the natural environment. Previous studies primarily turn to discrepancies in the cultural and educational background between tourists and local residents to explain such phenomena. Nonetheless, the possibility of people inclining to misbehave simply because they are away from home has rarely been investigated. In this study, we seek to examine factors rooted in the nature of tourism that are accountable for such phenomena. According to the definition by UNWTO (1995), one of the key characteristics of tourism is the displacement of usual environment. Tourism, therefore, is inevitably associated with surroundings of unacquainted others residing in the unfamiliar environment. Following the social control paradigm, previous studies have revealed that people are more likely to enforce social control on in-group members than on out-group members (Nugier, Chekroun, Pierre & Niedenthal, 2009). We further propose that psychological closeness between people and surrounding others would have an impact on their expectation to receive others’ social contrail and consequently their intention to engage in the counternormative behavior. Using an experimental study, we found that participants in the travel condition, compared with those in the home condition, feel less close to surrounding others and are more likely to misbehave. Such effect is mediated by the perceived social control. Implications for organization and companies in the tourism sector are drawn to prevent the spread of tourist misbehavior. Limitations and future directions would also be discussed.

In nowadays consumption-based society, products (e.g. food and electronic products) are often thrown away before they are sufficiently used. The aversive consequence of such a lifestyle is becoming more alarming. There is an urgent need for a change in people’s consumption style. How can we make people correct their existing wasteful consumption behaviors and act responsibly? In fact, feelings very often can influence people’s behavior and judgments (Schwarz, 1990), even though the feelings are aroused by irrelevant sources - incidental emotion (Garg, Inman, & Mittal, 2005; Lerner & Keltner, 2000; Schwarz & Clore, 1983). Feelings of guilt and shame are known as moral emotions which are the guidance to ethical behaviors (Tangney, 1991, 2003). Although there is a significant overlapping between these two emotions, they also differ in several important aspects. One critical difference lies in the way the transgressor makes attributions (Niedenthal, Tangney, & Gavanski 1994). A transgressor who attributes the wrongdoing to a specific behavior (i.e. “I’ve done something bad”) is more likely to experience guilt while a transgressor who makes attribution to the global self (i.e. “I’m a terrible person”) is more likely to experience shame (Tracy & Robins, 2004). Given these fundamental differences, we speculate that a guilt-laden consumer is more likely to correct his or her wrongdoing (i.e. wastage) by taking reparative actions to minimize waste but a shame-laden consumer may possibly give up doing so. Findings from an experimental study (N=90) largely support this prediction. Undergraduate students who were made to feel shame were less likely to participate in a recycling campaign organized by the university than the students in the control condition. They reported a lower intention to use recycling facilities provided. On the other hand, participants who were made to feel guilt reported a marginally higher intention to participate in the campaign than the control participants. These preliminary findings suggest that emotional experience derived from other life domains might determine responsible consumption behaviors. Shame, which is commonly regarded as a moral emotion, may not necessarily make people more responsible consumers. The mechanism that underlies this effect may warrant further investigation.

A growing body of research has discovered that even the trivial attribute of similarity, that is, incidental similarity, will have significant favorable impact on initial social interactions (Burger et al. 2004; Guéguen, Pichot, and Le Dreff 2005; Jiang et al. 2010; Martin and Guéguen 2013). Incidental similarities are chance similarities between individuals, such as a shared first name or birthplace, which create a sense of association between two people (Burger et al. 2004). Prior research shows that people who perceive they share a birthday, first name, or similar fingerprints with a stranger are more likely to comply with the stranger’s request (Burger et al. 2004; Guéguen, et al. 2005) and are more willing to respond to the stranger’s questions on intimate topics (Martin and Guéguen 2013). Jiang et al. (2010) applied these findings in a service interaction context and found that incidental similarities between consumers and service providers will increase consumers’ liking for the services and purchase intentions. The key reason for these favorable impacts is that an incidental similarity creates a sense of connectedness between two strangers. This sense of connectedness creates a unit relationship between two strangers that is not shared by other people around them. Therefore an incidental similarity generates a fleeting sense of liking and it has been linked to positive affect (Burger et al. 2004) and interpersonal attraction (Insko and Wilson 1977). Although existing research suggests that incidental similarities lead to favorable reactions to the similar other, we propose that the effects of incidental similarities are not invariably favorable. Incidental similarities can elicit unfavorable effects, and can make an otherwise disinterested observer become involved in an exchange between a stranger and a company that (s)he merely witnessed. For example, a service failure involves the service provider and the suffering customer. From the perspective of an individual observing the failure, the nature of the effect of incidental similarities would depend on whether one feels a sense of association with the provider or the customer. Imagine a situation in which someone observes a customer being told that a table he had reserved is actually not available. If the observer notices that customer’s surname happens to be the same as his own, he may be disposed to view the situation from the customer’s perspective and blame the provider for the failure. However, if the observer notices from the provider’s name tag that they happen to have the same surname, he may feel more similar to the provider and attributing him less responsibility for the failure.