인간은 누구나 자연으로의 回歸와 名利를 추구하는 현실 安住의 矛盾된 개념 이 意識속에 內在해 있다. 인간이 世慾을 버리기는 쉽지 않지만 超然히 마음을 비우고 歸去來의 삶을 실천한 사람은 전설 속의 許由, 춘추시대 吳나라의 季札, 後漢光武帝의 벗 嚴子陵, 東晉의 陶淵明, 우리나라의 元天錫(1330～?), 南道振 (1674～1735), 李夏坤(1677～1724) 같은 분들이 있다. 麗末三隱의 한 분인 吉冶隱도 高麗의 滅亡이라는 時代狀況에서 隱逸의 삶을 선택한 분이다. 冶隱의 文學이나 思想, 節義등에 관해서는 이미 여러분의 論稿 가 나와 있고, 야은의 思想的·節義的측면을 살피면서 文學的특성을 살핀 論議 의 방향도 크게 다르지는 않다. 本稿의 목적은 麗末三隱에 대한 再檢討와, 冶隱의 文學에 나타난 삶과 隱逸의 정신적 배경을 살피는 데 있다. 아울러 새로 발견된 冶隱詩稿를 소개하는 것도 이 논문의 목적 중 하나다. 論旨를 전개하면서 그때그때 先行硏究의 성과를 살피되 이미 잘 알려진 내용은 再論하지 않고, 本稿에 꼭 필요한 부분들만 살피겠다.

A lot of relics were unearthed in the Shinchang-dong wetland site, which can help restore prehistoric life style, including construction tools such as wood doors, wood hammers, ax handgrips, sickle handgrips, wedges, awls, wood pillars and connection members, food vessels made of earth or wood and fish, shell fish, seeds and remains of weapons. In particular, a door was found in the site, which was measured at 110cm long and 37cm wide. If restored it will be 75cm wide. The door seems to date back as far as the 1st century B. C., which would be the oldest one ever discovered in Korea. This paper is intended to explore the implications of the door by investigating the environment of the Shinchang-dong wetland site bearing the relics intact, manufacturing techniques and times of manufacturing of the door as well as attributes of doors presented in the literature related to old time architecture such as Goguryeo tomb paintings and house-shaped vessels. It also intends to provide basic data for study of residential architecture in prehistoric times.

The main problems contributing to food poisoning outbreaks in institutional settings and a home were reviewed and analyzed through the epidemiological investigations of food poisoning. The major documented factors included improper holding temperatures, inadequate cooking, poor personal hygiene, cross-contamination and contaminated equipment, food from unsafe sources, failure to follow food hygiene policies, and lack of education, training, monitoring and supervision. Usually more than one factor contributed to the development of an outbreak. (1) Use of improper holding temperatures was the single most important factor contributing to food poisoning. They included improper cooling, allowing a laps of time (12 hours or more) between preparing food and eating it, improper hot holding, and inadequate or improper thawing. Food thermometers were not used in most of the instances. (2) In inadequate cooking, the core temperature of food during and after cooking had not been measured, and routine monitoring was limited to recording the temperature of plated meals. Compared with conventional methods of cooking, microwave ovens did not protect against food poisoning as effectively. Centralized food preparation potentially increased the risk of food poisoning outbreaks. (3) Poor personal hygiene both at the individual level (improper handwashing and lack of proper hygienic practices) and at the institutional level (poor general sanitization) increased the risk of transmission. Person to person transmission of enteric pathogens through direct contact and via fomites has been noted in several instances. (4) Obtaining food from unsafe sources was a risk factor in outbreaks of food poisoning. Food risks were high when food was grown or harvested from contaminated areas. Possibilities included contamination in the field, in transport, at the retail site, or at the time it was prepared for serving. (5) Cross-contamination and inadequate cleaning/handling of equipment became potential vehicles of food poisoning. Failure to separate cooked food from raw food was also a risk factor. (6) Failure to follow food hygiene policies also provided opportunities for outbreaks of food poisoning. It included improper hygienic practices during food preparation, neglect of personnel policies (involvement of symptomatic workers in food preparation), poor results on routine inspections, and disregarding the results and recommendations of an inspection. (7) Lack of formal and in-service education, training, monitoring, and supervision of food handlers or supervisors were critical and perhaps neglected elements in occurrences of food poisoning.

We present a by-product of our long term photometric monitoring of cataclysmic variables. 2MASS J18024395 +4003309 = VSX J180243.9 +400331 was discovered in the field of the intermediate polar V1323 Her observed using the Korean 1-m telescope located at Mt. Lemmon, USA. An analysis of the two-color VR CCD observations of this variable covers all the phase intervals for the first time. The light curves show this object can be classified as an Algol-type variable with tidally distorted components, and an asymmetry of the maxima (the O’Connell effect). The periodogram analysis confirms the cycle numbering of Andronov et al. (2012) and for the initial approximation, the ephemeris is used as follows: Min I. BJD = 2456074.4904+0.3348837E . For phenomenological modeling, we used the trigonometric polynomial approximation of statistically optimal degree, and a recent method “NAV” (“New Algol Variable”) using local specific shapes for the eclipse. Methodological aspects and estimates of the physical parameters based on analysis of phenomenological parameters are presented. As results of our phenomenological model, we obtained for the inclination i=90°, M1=0.745M◉, M2=0.854M◉, M=M1+M2=1.599M◉, the orbital separation a=1.65·109m=2.37R◉ and relative radii r1=R1/a=0.314 and r2=R2/a=0.360. These estimates may be used as preliminary starting values for further modeling using extended physical models based on the Wilson & Devinney (1971) code and it's extensions

산문 몇 편만 알려졌던 정약전(丁若銓, 1758-1816)의 시문집이 발견되었다. 정약전과 정약용 형제는 흑산도와 강진으로 유배된 뒤에 자주 시와 편지를 주고받았다. 이번에 소개하는 『여유당집(與猶堂集)』은 두 형제가 이 시기에 지은 글들을 수집하여 필사한 책인데, 여기에 실린 글 가운데 「송정사의(松政私議)」를 제외한 정약전의 글들은 지금까지 소개된 적이 없었다. 『여유당집』의 첫 부분 「여유당집」에는 정약용이 정약전에게 보낸 편지(上仲兄書)가 9편 실렸다. 그 뒤에 실린 「잡설(雜說)」은 정약용이 강진 유배생활에 대한 보고서를 정약전에게 보내자, 정약전이 그에 화답하여 지은 것인데 『여유당전서(與猶堂全書)』에 실리지 않은 글도 있다. 두 번째 부분인 「여유당시집(與猶堂詩集)」에는 정약용이 강진에서 지어 정약전에게 보냈던 시 22제(題) 37수(首)가 실려 있다. ‘이하 손관(以下 巽舘, 가칭 정약전시문집)’에는 정약전이 지은 시 32제 40수가 실려 있다. 이런 점들로 미루어보면, 「여유당집」과 「여유당시집」· ‘이하 손관(가칭 정약전시문집)’을 함께 필사한 편집자는 강진의 정약용이 흑산도의 정약전에게 보낸 시문과 정약전이 흑산도에서 지은 글들을 함께 편집하는 데 목적이 있었다고 생각된다. 정약용과 달리 정약전은 섬의 어부나 나무꾼들과 어울려 술을 마시며 지냈다. 또 이들과 시를 주고받기도 했다. 정약용은 그곳 주민들을 ‘오랑캐 같은 섬사람’이라 표현했지만, 정약전은 나무꾼 고기잡이들과 기쁘게 친구가 되었다. 왕조실록에 나오는 흑산도는 대부분 유배지였는데, 유배 온 문인들은 자신이 몸담고 있는 섬의 자연을 노래하였을 뿐, 그 섬의 사람들과 어울려 시를 짓지는 않았다. 자신과 섬을 별개로 여기고, 자신은 잠시 있다가 떠날 존재로 인식한 것이다. 그러나 정약전은 흑산도와 하나가 되어, 흑산도를 문학의 현장으로 승화시켰다. 『玆山魚譜』가 어부들과 함께 쓴 물고기 생태학 보고서이고, 「송정사의(松政私議)」가 나무꾼들을 위해서 제출한 정책건의문이라면, 정약전 시문집은 어부나 나무꾼들과 친구가 되어 주고받은 흑산도 16년의 자서전이라고 할 수 있다.