现代汉语的被动句可分为有标志被动句与无标志被动句。其中无标志被 动句与null subject主题句，在形式方面结构非常相似。因此，它们的分类 及分析方法上有很多错误。为了补充形式上的解释，本稿采取认知语言学的 观点来解释被动句的制约条件，进而来区分无标志被动句与null subject主 题句。按词汇概念，被动句的‘相(aspect)’和无标志被动句的事件可分别分析 为下面的意义结构。[[[xACT]CAUSE[BECOME[y<STATE>]]]CAUSE[BECOME[y<AF FECTED>]]] → [[do'[∅<manner>(y)]]CAUSE[BECOME[y<AFFECT ED>]]]。这个结构说明的最大的特征就是被影响论项(而不是受事论项)的存 在。而加上‘相(aspect)’的特征的话，可以表现为[y<RES-STATE=∅[[do' [∅<manner>(y)]]CAUSE[BECOME[y<AFFECTED>]]]>]。如果句子符 合这些制约条件，它可以分确定为无标志被动句。

We claim in this paper that null arguments are a pronoun linked to a topic in their minimal CP domain. This claim is basically a unification of the following three existing proposals accounting for null argument phenomena: flexible null topic analysis that null arguments are bound by a flexible topic, pro analysis that they are a pronoun, and a proposal that pronouns are linked to CP edge. We show that this unified analysis nicely deals with distribution and interpretation of null arguments in Korean.

This paper assesses the last two-decade studies of null arguments in East Asian languages. Unlike the predecessors, these studies have concentrated lopsidedly on the distribution of null arguments in VP/TP ellipsis or anaphora contexts, thus hampering the proper identification of null arguments in these languages. Grounded on the observation that null arguments cannot be used as indefinites in radically pro-drop languages (Holmberg 2016), we go on to note that in non-ellipsis or non-anaphora contexts, null arguments in East Asian languages are either unique weak or anaphoric strong definites. Particularly, the latter use of null arguments sheds new lights on accounting for the long-standing puzzles such as Huang’s (1984) paradigm in Mandarin Chinese and Abe’s (2009, 2014) paradigm in Japanese, on top of the sundry distributions of null arguments in Korean. We suggest that null arguments in VP/TP ellipsis or anaphora contexts in East Asian languages can receive a proper analysis based on their syntactic identity in non-ellipsis or non-anaphora contexts.

Bošković (2004) argued that a quantifier cannot float in θ-positions in English, German and other several languages. In this paper, I strengthen this generalization by offering an independent set of arguments from Korean and Japanese. It will be shown that floating numeral quantifiers in these languages pattern precisely like the quantifiers in other languages, so that they only occur in non-θ-positions. Notwithstanding these gratifying results, several gaps in the generalization remain to be explained. In this paper, I argue that these and other related questions are adequately resolvable under the DP Split Hypothesis, proposed by Takahashi and Hulsey 2008 (see Sportiche 2005 for a similar argument), the essence of which is that A-moved subjects need not have a full set of DP in θ-positions. More specifically, an FQ cannot occur in θ-positions because there is no complete DP to which it can be merged in θ-positions. It can only occur in non-θ-positions when a full-fledged DP is available.

Since the early 1970s, it has been recognized that some movements can cross clause-boundaries with COMP as an escape hatch but others cannot. These two types of movement were called A(rgument)- and A’-movements, which have been established in generative grammar since the early 1980s. Deeply related with this distinction is the ban on improper movement, which means the combination of the two movement types. The only exception to the improper movement is where the entire movement occurs from an A-position ends in an A’-position, i.e. where A-movement feeds A’-movement. Since Chomsky (2008) proposed the parallel movement hypothesis, a route has been opened to dissociating A- and A’-movements. Then, we need not allow A-movement to feed A’-movement. Is what we need not do what we should not do? To answer this question, this paper shows that though separate, A-movement is still able to manifest its effects over A’movement.

The purpose of this paper is to look into pro analysis in which null argument is identified as zero pronoun (namely, pro) for the Korean null argument constructions. It has been argued that the pro analysis is superior to the ellipsis analysis in which null argument is identified as empty NP. However, this paper points out that there still seem to be potential problems with the pro analysis. It is proven that the validity of continuation test which is provided as a test for the pro analysis is questionable in respects of theory and empiricism. Furthermore, it is shown in this paper that while under the pro analysis only sloppy like identity interpretation is yielded out in the Korean null argument constructions, in fact genuine sloppy identity interpretation is yielded out in them. This means that the ellipsis analysis must be still useful even though the pro analysis is more pervasive in explaining the Korean null argument constructions.

In Tchoe (2012, 2013) I have argued that the ECMed DP in Korean is in fact a base-generated proleptic argument. In this subsequent work I will tackle a variety of questions contained in this conclusion. But in the first part of the article, I will delve rather into the Multiple Nominative/Accusative constructions in Korean, which have always been assumed to posses distinct syntactic representations and derivations from the ECM constructions. I will show that the Multiple Nominative/Accusative constructions are also a base-generated proleptic construction. Given this, the unique difference between ECM constructions and Multiple Case constructions in Korean is the fact that in the latter types of constructions the grammatical (thematic/narrow, in other terms) subject/ object is always represented by a DP. Upon this observation, four assertions will be made on the syntax of Korean. The first one is that Korean employs two types of syntactic objects to represent in syntax an argument selected by a predicate; the one is a continuous expression and the other a discontinuous expression in the sense of Hale (1981 et seq). I refer, as a continuous expression, the nominal or propositional expressions that function like a single syntactic object with regard to syntactic operations such as scrambling. For nominal or propositional expressions whose parts split off after the Case-checking, I will refer them as a discontinuous expression. I will also show that discontinuous expressions have nothing to do with so-called symmetrically Merged unstable syntactic objects (Chomsky 2013, Moro 2007 and Ott 2011, forthcoming). But I am not ready to propose any tangible idea on the internal composition of the discontinuous expressions. The second assertion put forward is that discontinuous expressions always consist of a proleptic argument and a grammatical subject/object. The third and last assertions are that proleptic arguments are assigned a pragmatically accessible θ-role and that they appear on the left side of the grammatical subject/object at least in Korean.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the nature of null arguments in Korean. Even though many studies have been done to identify the null arguments, there seem to be some problems yet to be resolved in identifying them. The pro analysis of Ahn & Cho (2010, 2011a, 2011b, 2012) is likely to have wider explanative power than the DP ellipsis analysis because of the extensive uses of pro in Korean. Nevertheless, it is argued in this paper that the DP ellipsis analysis may be still applicable to constructions in which null arguments related to reflexives are missing.

This paper is to investigate so-called ECM constructions in Korean. It is generally assumed in the literature that the ECMed DP is a subject of a complement clause raised to the matrix landing site. But I will show that Korean ECMed DP is in fact the base-generated proleptic argument on grounds of evidence related to the long-distance relativization. Besides this conclusion, I will examine one alleged property of the Korean ECM constructions. It is quasi unanimously assumed that there exist restrictions on the category and the grammatical function of the embedded clause and on the embedded predicate such as the transitivity restriction. But we will see that such a restriction has no firm basis. I will also reveal one unknown property of these constructions; not only the subject but also the direct object, the indirect object and even the adjunct can be represented by a proleptic argument, c'est à dire can be ECMed.

The issue of the nature of the null arguments in Korean lies in whether the null arguments can be elided or not. Ahn & Cho (2011a.b.), using a pragmatic interpretation such as explicature, argue that pro analysis is superior to the DP ellipsis analysis. However, this paper points out that there still seems to be problems with the pro analysis. In DP ellipsis analysis, only two interpretations, strict identity interpretation and sloppy identity interpretation, can be produced but,

The purpose of this paper is to reconfirm that the null arguments (the null subject and null object) in Korean should be identified as empty NPs, not as pro under Kim`s (1991) argument ellipsis analysis, not under Huang`s (1984, 1987) null-topic variable analysis, Otani and Whitman`s (1991) VP ellipsis Analysis, and Moon`s (2010) pro analysis. To begin with, the merits and drawbacks of the three analyses except Kim`s analysis are examined: especially we focus on Moon`s analysis because she claims that the null arguments should be identified as pro in Korean unlike the argument in the analysis we adopt. According to the argument ellipsis analysis we take, the null NPs in the object position must be empty NPs with no featural content. Using the analysis, we attempts to solve the problems we find in the three analyses. Furthermore, in this paper we apply Kim`s analysis to the null NPs in the subject position and argue that they, too, should be treated as empty NPs because the property of these NPs is the same as that of the NPs the object position in that they can allow sloppy identity readings and strict identity readings. As a result, we reached that the null arguments in Korean must be empty NPs, contra Moon`s analysis.

Jeong-sil Song. 1997. Non-Argument XPs. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 10: 1-20. The main purpose of this study is to argue for the following points concerning English non-argument XPs. First, they all have the structure of XP in which one and only one argument position is not saturated. Second, they are all adjoined to an X`, modifying the X`. Third, some of them also function as a secondary predicate of the DP in the Spec of the XP. This study adopts the hypotheses of XP-internal Subject, Split Infl, and Split VP with some modification.