본 연구에서는 2010년 여름에 천수만에서 저층해수를 채집하여 용존산소와 영양염 농도를 측정하였다. 또한 benthic chamber내의 해수시료를 시계열로 채집하는 자동화된 Benthic Lander를 설치하여 해수-퇴적물간 영양염 플럭스를 측정하였다. 오염된 인공호수 유출수가 들어오는 천수만 북쪽에서는 저층수의 용존산소는 2 mg/l로 hypoxia의 존재 가능성이 확인되었다. 반면 남쪽 천수만 입구의 저층 용존산소는 5 mg/l이었다. 영양염은 용존산소와 반대의 분포 경향을 보였고, N/P ratio의 변화는 hypoxia에 의해 발생된 인산염의 탈착과 용출 때문으로 보인다. 만 북쪽 해역의 유기탄소 산화율과 산소소비율은 남쪽 만 입구 해역보다 약 2배 큰 값을 보였고, 영양염 benthic flux는 천수만 북쪽에서 4내지 6배 높았다. 이러한 결과는 해수-퇴적물간 물질 플럭스를 정확히 추정하기 위해서는 hypoxia의 역할에 대한 이해가 중요하다는 점을 시사해준다.

Bošković (2004) argued that a quantifier cannot float in θ-positions in English, German and other several languages. In this paper, I strengthen this generalization by offering an independent set of arguments from Korean and Japanese. It will be shown that floating numeral quantifiers in these languages pattern precisely like the quantifiers in other languages, so that they only occur in non-θ-positions. Notwithstanding these gratifying results, several gaps in the generalization remain to be explained. In this paper, I argue that these and other related questions are adequately resolvable under the DP Split Hypothesis, proposed by Takahashi and Hulsey 2008 (see Sportiche 2005 for a similar argument), the essence of which is that A-moved subjects need not have a full set of DP in θ-positions. More specifically, an FQ cannot occur in θ-positions because there is no complete DP to which it can be merged in θ-positions. It can only occur in non-θ-positions when a full-fledged DP is available.

Quantifier floating (Q-floating) displays interesting asymmetries in English. First of all, there is a subject/object asymmetry. The subject permits Q-floating, whereas the object does not. However, if the object is followed by a predicative constituent, Q-floating can be permitted. In this case, there is another subject/object asymmetry. If the object is followed by a constituent that bears a predication relation with it, Q-floating is permitted, If, on the other hand, the object is accompanied by a constituent that bears a predication relation with the subject, Q-floating is not permitted. This paper shows that the various types of asymmetries follow if (i) Q-floating is licensed when A-movement takes place (Sportiche 1988), (ii) object can move to SPEC-V (Chomsky (2008, 2013, 2015), but in simple transitive constructions raising of the object to SPEC-V is prohibited by an anti-locality condition, and (iii) the movement theory of control is correct (Hornstein 1999, 2001).

This paper examines behaviors of floating quantifiers in English and Korean, and provides analyses for them. These two languages have ordinary quantifiers and numeral quantifiers. Their syntactic behaviors are a little different in two languages, and those differences also make differences in their meaning. When they do not float, they can have both cardinal and presuppositional reading. When they float, however, they have only cardinal reading. For their analyses, this paper adopts Heim`s tripartite structure and Diesing`s Mapping Hypothesis. In those analyses, when QPs are mapped into restrictive clause, they have presuppositional reading. But, when they are mapped into nuclear scope, they have cardinal reading. In sum, this paper provides some theoretical accounts for ordinary and numeral quantifiers of English and Korean.

It is claimed in the literature (e.g., Suh 1990, Sohn 1995, etc.) that an NPI freezes the scope relation between a quantifier (QP) and negation: a QP to the left of an NPI scopes over negation and a QP to the right of an NPI scopes under negation. (A QP scopes over or under negation when no NPI is around.) The scope freezing effect induced by NPIs has been accounted for by (often tacitly made) assumptions that (i) NPIs are in the scope of negation; (ii) the negation scope is NegP; and (iii) NPIs are licensed at the SPEC of NegP. This paper first provides sets of data showing that the so-called scope freezing effect is not a well established generalization. Once the scope freezing effect turns out to be an illusion, theories based on the generalization should be reconsidered. Thus, this paper discusses some related issues and leads to the following conclusions: (i) NegP does not necessarily indicate the negation scope: (ii) NPIs may be located outside of negation scope at least in some environments, where they have a Free Choice reading; and (iii) contra Sells (2001), the NPI distribution in Korean cannot be captured in terms of the `command` relation but in terms of the `government` relation based on Chung`s (1995) typology of negation licensing.

Kwang-sup Kim. 2003. QR and Minimalism. Studies in Modern Grammar 31, 47-69. In the Minimalist Program there are two opposite views about QR. Hornstein(1999) claims that there is no QR, and the effect of QR is a by-product of A-movement. He proposes that the A-approach enables us to explain the locality QR, while maintaining the Modularity Hypothesis. On the other hand, Fox (2000) departs from the Modularity Hypothesis, arguing that there is QR and QR takes place only when it gives a semantic effect. After pointing out empirical problems of both approaches, this paper proposes that QR can be eliminated by making use of AGREE operation. Furthermore, this paper advocates the position that the Modularity Hypothesis must be maintained.