Korean sluicing requires the use of a copular ita ‘be’ unlike English. In explaining such a peculiarity, a (pseudo-)cleft analysis has strongly been proposed that Korean sluicing is derived from a cleft construction, rather than from TP-deletion. In order to examine the plausibility of the cleft analysis, this paper, based on the experimental syntactic method, explores acceptabilities of Korean sluicings, which were designed to vary depending on the three factors, such as the presence or the absence of a correlate in an antecedent clause, of the overt subject kukey ‘it’ in a following clause, and finally, of a case marker on a remnant. 110 participants were told to judge 64 sentences (including filler sentences) and two-way repeated measure ANOVA was performed using SPSS (ver, 25.0). The experiment result shows that the acceptability becomes significantly higher when a correlate and a case marker on a remnant occur enough to ameliorate island effects. Also, the presence of the subject kukey ‘it’was found to have an effect to facilitate parsing. These suggest that the uniform cleft analysis cannot account for the various types of Korean sluicing, rather necessitating non-uniform analyses for them.

The question I raise in this paper is why the Japanese counterpart of the sprouting type of sluicing does not appear to show island sensitivity. I argue that this apparent difference is attributed to another well-established one between these two languages: pro- drop vs. non-pro-drop languages. Thus, sluices are not real instances of the sprouting-type but rather of the merger type, which has an overt correlate in the antecedent clause, i.e., indefinite pro in relevant cases. As substantial evidence for this proposal, I demonstrate that indefinite pro actually functions as a correlate to a sluice in Japanese by examining how it behaves with respect to scopal parallelism. Given this, it is predicted that in Japanese sluicing examples, the implicit correlates that are identified as indefinite pro can take wide scope, unlike truly implicit correlates.

Bo-Kyeong Park and Jeong-Seok Kim. 2017. Islands in Sluicing: A Resumption Approach. Studies in Modern Grammar 95, 1-18. This paper investigates the island (in)sensitivity of sluicing. Boeckx (2008) and Wang (2007) analyze sluicing as an instance of TP ellipsis in which a resumptive pronoun occupies the wh-trace position after a sluiced wh-phrase moves to an operator position. Given that the resumptive pronoun is a stranded portion of the moved phrase which it associates with (Boeckx 2003), the resumption approach seems to provide a better account for the island-insensitivity of sluicing, in that the underlying structure of sluicing does not involve any island violation at the outset due to resumption. However, this naive resumption strategy cannot explain why sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are sensitive to islands. Regarding the island-sensitivity of certain sluicing, we propose that resumption is suppressed in sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing for some reasons. To explain why, we resort to Boeckx's (2003) observation that resumption is restricted to D-linking and clefting. We argue that both sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are not D-linked and cannot be derived from cleft sentences.

일반적으로 배사에 비해서 준설은 경제적 부담이 크기 때문에 배사를 효율적으로 운영하는 것이 중요하다. 본 연구에서는 2차원 하상변동 모형 인 Nays2DH를 이용하여 홍수기 운영수위에 따른 배사효율을 낙동강에 위치한 달성보를 중심으로 분석하였다. 분석결과, 가동보의 수 만큼 배사 수로가 형성되었으며, 배사수로 상류에는 퇴적이 발생하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 홍수기 운영수위를 EL. 14.5 m로 운영하는 것이 EL. 14.0 m로 운영하는 것에 비해서 배사효율이 약 4.6% 증가하여 퇴사가 약 4.5% 감소하는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구에서 분석한 홍수기 운영수위에 따른 배 사효율의 변화를 고려한다면, 저수지 퇴사 저감 및 준설주기의 장기화가 가능할 것으로 판단된

The goal of this paper is double-folded. First, it is argued that the hybrid approach to multiple sluicing (Chang and Kim (2013)) makes better predictions than the leftward movement approach (Takahashi (1994), Richards (1997, 2001), Merchant (2001), Park and Kang (2007), Park (2014)); and the paper attempts to provide a possible solution to some of the empirical data, which Richards (2001) and Park and Kang (2007) report are challenging to the gapping approach (Nishigauchi (1998), Lasnik (2007, 2011)), the precursor of the hybrid approach. In doing so, this paper suggests updating Chang and Kim’s hybrid approach by extending Weir’s (2014) analysis of embedded sluicing (and fragment answers) in English. According to Weir, embedded sluicing is possible only when there are two CPs selected by bridging verbs and a limited set of non-bridging verbs, and this paper argues that multiple sluicing is an additional case that supports the existence of two CPs in embedded sluicing. Secondly, it is demonstrated that multiple sluicing in English is an empirical case that is not correctly predicted by Barros’s (2014) Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis—namely that the sluicing of a cleft or a copular clause whose antecedent is not a cleft or a copular clause is another case of sluicing.

This paper examines the exceptional behavior of P-stranding under Sluicing in some languages which do not allow P-stranding under regular whmovement (cf. Merchant (2001)). Spanish, Polish, Brazilian Portuguese and Indonesian, in contrast to Greek and Czech, are in principle a prepositionpied- piping language, but they allow P-stranding under Sluicing that arguably derives from cleft structure or via repair-by-ellipsis. Still critical to this process of P-stranding under Sluicing is the identity-in-ellipsis requirement that the morpho-syntactic form of the surviving wh-expression in the sluiced clause matches the one that its overt or covert correlate expression would potentially take if it underwent regular wh-movement. Extending this generalization to ‘Sluicing’ and ‘Fragmenting’ in Korean, we show that the somewhat unexpected postposition stranding and omission of the wh- and fragment expression in these constructions of Korean also derive from (pseudo-)cleft structure, meeting the identity/parallelism condition on ellipsis.

This paper investigates Multiple Sluicing in English. Nishigauchi (1998) and Lasnik (2013) analyze Multiple Sluicing as a construction in which the first wh-phrase escapes from the deletion site by leftward wh-movement, whereas the second remnant undergoes rightward movement, and then TP deletion follows. Lasnik specifically argues that the rightward movement of the second remnant is extraposition. However, these analyses cannot explain why the second remnant is typically [+wh]. To solve this problem, this paper shows that the second remnant undergoes a two-step rightward movement; it first moves to a vP adjunction position via extraposition, and then it undergoes focus movement to Foc(us)P. To explain the upward boundedness of the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing, we propose that the rightward movement can be iterative insofar as it satisfies the Order Preservation (Fox and Pesetsky 2003, 2005; Sabbagh 2007). We suggest that when the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing undergoes focus movement, it does not make an order contradiction; therefore, the two-step movement of the second remnant in Multiple Sluicing constructions is allowed.

댐 퇴사량 예측방법은 수리학적 메커니즘을 이용하는 방법과 실측자료를 설계치로 적용하는 경험적 방법으로 구분할 수 있다. 전자는 물리적 해석방법으로 단기간에 이루어지는 현상을 규명하는데 적용할 수 있으며, 후자는 댐사수량 결정등 장기적인 설계변수 추정에 용이하게 이용할 수 있다. 이중 경험적 자료인 배사비 곡선식을 이용하면 월단위의 저수지 운영이 가능하며, 저류량에 대응하는 퇴사량을 정보변수로 추적하면 퇴사관리의 최적운영이 가능하다. 이와 같은 접근방법은