This paper is a research on the thinking basis and aspect of adapting reality represented by Nan-myeong(南冥) and Gal-cheon(葛川). I found next tendencies in each of their thinking basis by looking into the gener of 'bu(賦)' written by them, provisionally. 1. Nam-myeong regarded a fundamental problem as important; Gal-cheon considered a practical use in reality as important. 2. Nam-myeong pursued internal perfection of morality ; Gal-cheon pursued external enlightenment of morality. 3. Nam-myeong made an effort to cultivate his mind through practicing the virtue of self-development ; 'jon-yang(存養)', 'seong-chal(省察)', 'geuk-gi(克己)' ; Gal-cheon wished to make 'the reign of peace(太平聖代)' entering to the world with his frugal virtue. 4. Nam-myeong placed more importance on 'su-gi(修己)' than 'chi-in(治人)' ; Gal-cheon placed more importance on 'chi-in(治人)' than 'su-gi(修己)'. And I deduced next characters in the aspect of the adaption in reality considering their 'memorial to the Throne(上疏文)'. About the time when 'eul-myo-sa-jik-so(乙卯辭職宵)' was offered by Nam-myeong in 1555, he criticized severely the tumultuous national situation, and suggested its essential relief measures to King Myeong-jong(明宗). On the other hand, at that time, Gal-cheon pursued 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way(安貧樂道)' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong(參奉)', and did not show any criticism for political or social condition in particular. When the government engaged both of them as a Nester at the throne changing era between Myeong-jong(明宗) and Seon-jo(宣祖) about 10 years later from 1555, Gal-cheon served in the government with 'hyeon-gam(縣監)' and 'mok-sa(牧使)'(names of county governor) responding to the recommendation, but Nam-myeong never entered into the official position after all. However, they cried for the reform of politic sphere each other. Nam-myeong pointed out the fundamental problems ＆ principles with memorial to the Throne demanding sovereign must practice 'the rule of virtue(王道)' showing his own initiative, but Gal-cheon emphasized the relief measure concerning public welfare indicating the realistic problems. In addition, the Nam-myeong and Gal-cheon's principles on official position showed different aspect. Nam-myeong was eager to the actualization of 'the rule of virtue' regarding himself as an executer for 'King Yao and Shun's Tao(堯舜之道)', and did not want to get the position by departing from his principle at not proper time. Thus, he made himself as a man of virtue keeping the dominant principle. Differ from Nam-myeong, however, Gal-cheon pursued the life of 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong' in 1555, and it was derived from his avoid-make-trouble tendency with peripheral environments. Although it was a fact, Gal-cheon never gave up the will of 'administrating the state to relieve the people's suffering(經世濟民)', so he entered into the official position consequently. This is the Gal-cheon's right view of 'haeng-youg-sa-jung「用行舍藏 : If recommended, practicing Tao with taking up position. And if discarded, possessing his own Tao lonelily」'.

It is said to be that most part of Seo-in(西人) scholars (e.g. Song, Si-yeol(宋時烈) and his pupils) regarded Neo-Confucianism(朱子學) as the absolute one, and only admitted it for their orthodoxy. In contrast, however, there was a bunch of scholars who tried to accept Neo-Confucianism critically participating in Seo-in party such as Jo, ik(趙翼), Choi, Yu-hae(崔有海), Choi, Yu-Ji In terms of this viewpoint, I focused on the fact that Gan-ho(艮湖) Choi, Yu-Ji(崔攸之) had revised the book of "Dae-hak-jang-gu"(『大學章句』), and studied his revised contents and its significance to this paper. Gan-ho's revision on " Dae-hak-jang-gu" proofread by Chu-tzu(朱熹:1130-1200) are summarized as follows; (1) Gan-ho regarded next two chapters of 'mul-yu-bon-mal(物有本末)……' and 'gi-bon-ran-yi-mi-chi-ja(基本亂而末治者)……' included in the major text(經) as the explanation of 'Gyeok-mul(格物)', so remade it into the 4th chapter of the minor text(傳) combining with the chapter of 'Cheong-song(聽訟章)' (2) Gan-ho regarded next two chapters of 'ji-ji-yi-hy-yu-jeong(知止而后有定)……' included in the major text and 'gi-bon-ran-yi-mi-chi-ja(基本亂而末治者)……' included in the 5th chapter of the minor text as the explanation of 'Chi-ji(致知)', so remade it into the 5th chapter of the minor text combining the two chapters. The significance of revision on the book of "Dae-hak-jang-gu" by Gan-ho can be valued as follows; (1) Several Seo-in scholars had succeeded progressively traditional scholarship without falling in the trap of adhesion under highly 'Neo-Confucianism dominated circumstance'. (2) Gan-ho had revised some part of "Dae-hak-jang-gu" with his trailblazing viewpoint based on the peculiar studying method mentioned above. (3) Gan-ho had succeeded and developed the former theories digestion well enough advocated by Dong, Goi(董槐) and Gueon, Geun(權近) (4) The separation of the two chapter of 'Gyeok-mul' and 'Chi-ji' from Chu-tzu's "Dae-hak-jang-gu" by Gan-go is outstanding opinion never found on former theories. In interpretation history of "Dae-hak", therefore, it must be valued to quite a new theory that no one had ever mentioned before.

本論文是論究星湖門下的高第貞山李秉休之學問趣向與詩經學的. 貞山以爲當代的學問弊端, 有大三個. 第一, 借以道學的名義, 追求私欲的學者的僞善態度. 第二, 當時學者大部分都盲目追隨朱子之說把學問爲荒頓. 第三, 當時學問, 太偏于性理學的主要名題, 如心性, 所以學問位思辨化, 他說位了克復這樣的學問, 應該有懷疑的觀點, 不要有墨守的觀點, 而且他主張在體用的觀點裏, 應該去掉重視體輕視用的傾響. 他的經學說如下. 第一, 對于風ㆍ雅ㆍ頌的分別, '風'有흔多男女之事, '雅'沒有男女之事, '頌'沒有怨恨與誹謗. 第二, 二南的男, 就是樂名, 但二南不是雅樂是鄕樂, 所以屬于風. 第三, 他以爲'興'分爲託物而起情有義ㆍ託物而起辭無義的兩種, 那樣的觀點比朱子以爲賦多. 第四, 六義的次序, 因爲風裏具有賦ㆍ比ㆍ興, 所以風的後邊在賦ㆍ比ㆍ興. 第五, 風雅頌配列上, 把周詩爲主, 所以其他的詩在周詩後邊.第六, 因爲把周詩的二南爲始, 周公的빈風爲終, 所以빈風在十五國風的最後面, 第七, 他部尊信四始五際的說, 可是也파消滅, 所以分辨四始五際. 總說, 貞山解釋『詩經』時候, 不偏倚朱子說, 參考漢ㆍ唐的舊說. 這樣的學問態度, 就방助導引正祖時代的兼取漢學與宋學的學風.